
sPE34S 



Book . --^Kj 



PRESENTED m 



a 



IMai. 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS 
OF CHRIST 



H Dissertation 



•RESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF BRYN MAWR COLLEGE IN PARTIAL 

FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE 

OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



BY 

MAKY CAROLINE SPALDING 



BRYN MAWR, PENNSYLVANIA 
MAY, 1914 



^ 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS ^i^ 
OF CHRIST /^^^ 



H Dissertation 



FRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF BRYN MAWR COLLEGE IN PARTIAL 

FULFHiMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE 

OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



BY 

MARY CAROLINE SPALDING 



BRYN MAWR, PENNSYLVANIA 
MAY, 1914 



.6^ 



A 



Oj 



Copyright, 191 J, by Bryn Mawr College 






J. H. FCRST COMPANY^ PRINTERS, 
BALTIMORE. 



PEEFACE 



The following study of the several texts of the Charter of 
Christ, substantially in its present form, was submitted to 
the Faculty of Bryn Mawr College in May, 1912, in partial 
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of 
Philosophy. With the exception of the Kent Charter, which 
is reprinted from the text published by W. T>. Macray in 
Notes and Queries (9th Series, Vol. viii^ p. 240), and of the 
Fairfax text of the Short Charter, which was printed by 
B. Fehr in Herrig^s Archiv (cvi. 69-70), none of the 
texts presented in the following pages has hitherto been 
printed. For the text of the Long Charter in Cotton ms. 
Calig. A. ii, as also for the texts of the Short Charter in 
Mss. Sloane 3292, Stowe 620 and Harl. 116, I have availed 
myself of transcripts which Professor Carleton Brown kindly 
placed at my disposal. In the case of the Short Charter in 
St. John's College Cambridge ms. B. 15, and Carta Libera, 
in MS. E. 24 of the same library, as well as the extract from 
Carta Celestis Hereditatis (Appendix II), I have used 
transcripts made for me by Alfred Eogers, Esq., of the Cam- 
bridge University Library. For the fragmentary text in 
the manuscript at Magdalen College, Oxford, I am indebted 
to the courtesy of the Librarian, Kev. H. A. Wilson, who put 
himself to much trouble to transcribe this text and sent me 
also a full description of the manuscript. For all the other 
texts which are printed herewith I have depended directly 
on rotographs of the original manuscripts. 

I am glad to have this opportunity of acknowledging my 
great indebtedness to Professor Carleton Brown of Bryn 
Mawr College, who first suggested the subject of this investi- 
gation, and directed my attention to the larger part of the 
manuscript material. To him I am under obligations also 
for helpful criticism in revising the dissertation preparatory 
to its publication, and for reading the proof sheets. 

iU 



IV PREFACE 

The classification of the numerous texts of the Charter of 
Christ and the study of the sources of the material were 
undertaken under the direction of Dr. Samuel Moore, in 
1911-12 of Bryn Mawr College, now of the University of 
Wisconsin. To his assistance and encouragement throughout 
the preparation of the dissertation, I am greatly indebted. 
He has also courteously read the proof sheets as it was 
passing through the press. 

In conclusion I desire to express my appreciation of the 
kindness shown by the Kev. Father Amadee Viger, O. S. A., 
Master of ITovices, and Doctor Tourscher, O. S. A., Librar- 
ian of the Monastery Library at Villanova, Pennsylvania, 
in placing the books of the Library at my disposal and in 
obtaining special references for me ; I also wish to thank the 
Librarians of Harvard University, the Seminary of St. 
Charles Borromeo, Overbrook, Pennsylvania, for permission 
to use these libraries, and especially Miss Mary L. Jones, 
Librarian of the Bryn Mawr College Library, for repeated 
kindnesses. 

M. C. S. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PXQE 

Preface -- - - -- - - iii 

Introductory - - - - - - vii 

Chapter I. Classification of Material : 

§1. Extant Charters of Christ - - xiii 

§ 2. The Charter of Pardon - - xvii 

§ 3. Manuscripts of the Short Charter xix 

§ 4. Manuscripts of the Long Charter xxix 

A-Text - - - - xxix 

B-Text - - - - xxxiii 

C-Text - - - - XXXV 

Chapter II. History and Sources : 

§ 1. The Charter as a Literary Type xxxvi 
§ 2. The Antiquity of the Charter of 

Christ - - - - xxxix 

§ 3. The Origin of the Charter of 

Christ - - - - il 

§ 4. The Metaphor of the Crucified 

Body as the Charter - - xlii 

§ 5. A Comparison of the Deed of 

Gift in the Five Charters - li 

§ 6. The Additional Material in Carta 

Domini and the Long Charter Ixi 

Chapter III. The Inter-relations of Manu- 
scripts OF THE Short Charter - Ixiii 

Chapter IV. The Mutual Relations of Ver- 
sions A, B, AND C OF the Long 
Charter ----- Ixvii 



VI CONTENTS 



PAGE 



Chapter V. The Veracity and Inter-rela- 
tions OF Manuscripts op the 
Long Charter - - - - xciii 

§ 1. A-Text - - - xciii 

§2. B-Text - - - cix 

§ 3. The Relation of the Parent 
Manuscript of the B-Text 
to the A-Text - - cxx 

§ 4. The Relation of the C-Text 

to the B-Text - - cxxiii 

Texts of the Short Charter - - - 1 

Texts of the Long Charter : 

A-Text - - 18 

B-Text ------- 46 

Appendix I. Observations on the Language 
OF the Long Charter and the 
Short Charter: 

The Long Charter: 

A-Text - - - 83 

B-Text - - - 88 

C-Text - - - 91 

The Short Charter - 92 

Appendix II. Additional Texts : 

I. Carta Domini Nostri Lesu 

Christi - - - - 95 

II. Carta Libera - - 96 

III. Kent Charter - - - 97 

IV. Carta Celestis Hereditatis 98 

Glossary of Special Words - - - 103 



IJSTTKODUCTOKY 



The Charter of Christ belongs to a class of mediseval alle- 
gorical compositions, constituting a literary type, in which 
the theme is developed under the figure of a legal charter 
or grant. In the Charter of Christ, the allegory is ex- 
plicit; essentially, this document purports to be a grant of 
Heaven's bliss, made to mankind by the Saviour, upon con- 
dition that man give, in return, his love to God and to his 
neighbor ^ (an implied reference to the two great command- 
ments of the Law). The structure of this Charter is based, 
in general, upon that of its legal prototype ; in some versions 
even the formulce that mark the several divisions of the me- 
diaeval legal charter occur either in Latin or in English trans- 
lation. Like the legal charter, moreover, one of the texts of 
the Charter of Christ is written in Latin prose ; most of them, 
however, are in English verse. 

Instead of the term '^ Charter," ordinarily employed for 
the grant by Christ to mankind, one finds in three manu- 
scripts ^ the title Testamentum Christi. For this designa- 
tion, more than one explanation may be suggested. In the 
first place, the Charter of Christ may have come to be 
thought of as a dying bequest through its definite connection 
with the death on the Cross. Again, the term testamentum 
was not restricted in the Middle Ages to instruments for the 
disposal of property after death, but was often employed, as 
DuCange notes,^ of any kind of charter or deed of gift.* 

* There are also other minor requirements. 
'MSS. Ash. 61, Vernon, Harl. 2382. 

*Glossarium Med. et infim. Lat, vi. (Paris 1846) s. v. testamentum. 

* In the 15th cent, the word testament had also another meaning. 
The New English Dictionary {s. v. testament) records the erroneous 
acceptation, testimony, witness, and cites Sir G. Haye, Law Arm» 

vii 



Till PREFACB 

But although testamentum in this more general sense may 
have been perfectly understood in the fourteenth and fifteenth 
centuries, it is an unfortunate term to-day to designate the 
Charter of Christ, since it tends to confuse it with the Last 
Will and Testament, which constitutes a wholly distinct 
literary type.^ To this latter class belong a host of Testa- 
ments, both religious and secular, among them, for example, 
the Testament of Christ in Deguileville's Pelerinage de la 
Tie Humaine.^ 



( 1456 ) : " The pape convertit .... by hia testament." Whether or 
not this meaning was common in the Middle Ages, or existed earlier 
than the 15th cent, there does not appear to be sufficient evidence to 
determine. It is possible that compositions such as the Testament of 
Love may have derived their title from such an application. As to 
this cf . Skeat : " Professor Morley well says that ' the writer of this 
piece [the Testament of Love] uses the word Testament in the old 
Scriptural sense of a witnessing, and means by Love the Divine Love " 
{Chaucerian and Other Pieces, in Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer 
vn — supplementary vol. Oxford 1897 — p. xxviii). I cannot, however, 
discover any evidence of an old Scriptural sense of witnessing for the 
word testament, nor any instance of such a meaning being applied 
to it in England earlier than the 15th cent. In France, the " Testa- 
ment " of Jean de Meung furnishes evidence that the title was applied 
at least as early as the beginning of the 14th cent, to compositions 
having no Will element. 

"This seems to be also the opinion of Horstmann (Herrig's Archiv 
Lxxix. 424, footnote) and of Cook {Cynewulfs Christ, 1900, p. 208); 
both suggest that charter is a better title than testament for the ver- 
sions of the Charter of Chiist found in MSS. Vernon and Harl. 2382. 

* Another well known form is the Testament of the Christian, fifteenth 
century [Rel. Antiq. i, 260), in which the Christian leaves his body to 
the earth, his sins to the fiend, his goods to the world, and his soul to 
God. One similar to this is recorded in E. Hoskins's Horce Beatce 
Marice Virginis, or Sarum and York Primers (London 1901) 370. For 
other testaments, religious and secular, see H. R. Lang, Cancioneiro 
Oallego-Castelhano (New York 1902) 174 ff. (for which reference I am 
indebted to the kindness of Dr. Lang), and a monograph by Dr. E. C. 
Perrow, 7'he Last Will and Testament as a Form of Literature, which 
is soon to appear in the Wisconsin Academy Series. Dr. Perrow haa 
kindly permitted me to see the proof-sheets of this article. Cf. also 
H. Thien, Ueher die Eng. Marienklagen (Kiel 1906) 82. 

The apocryphal work, Testamentum Domini Nostri Jesu Chriati, 



I]S"TRODUCTORY IX 

The ambiguity arising from a loose application of the 
title is well illustrated in Professor George C. Taylor's 
article, The Relation of the English Corpus Christi Play to 
the Middle English Religious LyricJ Under the general 
term testament, he includes, without distinction,® poems in 
which Christ is represented in the first person, a) as making 
His will, b) as granting a charter to man, c) as lamenting 
man's ingratitude and reproaching him for it; hence, when 
later he proceeds to discuss the influence of Christ's Testa- 
ment upon the Middle English Drama, it is uncertain to 
which type of composition he is referring : '' In the English 
passion play there is no more evidence that the planctus 
[Mariae'] was the germ or starting point of the passion 
plays than there is for the Christ's Testament, ... So far 
as I have been able to discover, it seems by no means certain 

assigned by Mgr. Rahmani to the end of the second century, and by 
J. Cooper and A. J. McLean to about 350 a. d., is of a different type, 
being an apocryphal compilation of canons and ordinances for Church 
government. In the Syriac MS. it also bears the title, First and Second 
Books of 8t. Clement. It is doubtless called Testament of Christ, be- 
cause it embodies such ecclesiastical regulations as Christ was supposed 
to have instructed the Apostles to enjoin upon the Church. 

I add here a note concerning a testament, apparently not extant, 
entitled, Lihrum de Testame^ito Christi in Cruce. It is ascribed by 
Fabricius — Bihl. Lat. Med. et Infimce Aetatis (Florence 1858) i. 18 — 
to "Aegidius Aurifaher Vossio, aliis Fahri, Carmelitanus," who (ac- 
cording to Fabricius) died in 1506. Of the authorities cited by Fabri- 
cius, only Alegrius — Paradisus Carmel. Decoris (Lugd. 1639) 380 — 
mentions De Testamento Christi in Cruce as the work of Aegidius — " de 
Aegidio Fabri [Aurifaher] "; but neither of the authorities of Alegrius 
appears to mention this Testamentum. I have no other knowledge of 
the work. It does not appear to be in the British Museum. Whether 
it is actually a testament, or whether it is a charter miscalled testa- 
ment, cannot be decided from the above data concerning it. 

' Mod. Phil. v. 1 ff. This monograph now forms part of Prof. Tay- 
lor's dissertation. 

' Prof. Taylor says ( op. cit. p. 8 ) : " Almost as widespread as the 
Christmas Carol, and far more uniform in its type, is the Testament of 
Christ, termed variously, the Lament of the Redeemer, Christ's Charter, 
and Christ's Complaint." 



X THE MIDDLE EN'GLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST 

that the plandus was dramatized any earlier than the Testa- 
ment of Christ, ^^ ^ Since, however, there appears to be no 
example either of the Last Will and Testament or of Christ's 
Charter in the Middle English drama, ^^ the type that Pro- 
fessor Taylor here has in mind is undoubtedly the Lament, 
or Complaint, of Christ, a motive repeatedly utilized in the 
Passion and Judgment plays. ^^ The essence of this form is 
the Saviour's reproach, " Man, this have I done for thee ; 
what hast thou done for Me ? '' ^^ j^ makes no bequests and 

"Op. cit. p. 9. 

"In the Digby Burial of Christ, however, there is an interesting 
reference to Christ's Body as a parchment book, written in bloody 
letters: 

Mawdleyn — 
271 'Cum hithere, loseph, beholde & looke, 

How many bludy letters ben wreten in \>ia buke, 
Small margente her is.' 

loseph — 
274 ' Ye, this parchement is stritchit owt of syse.' 

"See, for example, York Plays (ed. L. T. Smith) Crucifixio ChrisH 
vv. 253-58; Towneley Plays {E. E. T. 8.) Crueificcion, stanza 38; 
Dighy Plays {E, E. T. 8.) Burial of Christ vv. 277-282, Joseph's 
speech, " all the pe.pill that passis hereby," etc. For a list of 
Complaints of Christ see Taylor, The Relation of the Middle English 
Corpus Christi Play to the Middle English Religious Lyric {Mod. Phil. 
V. 8, footnote). See also Cook, Christ 208 ff. (ed. 190Q). To these 
I add the following: Complaints of Christ in Bonner Beitr. xiv. 128, 
208, 210; Rich. Rolle i. 118-119 (in the 2nd arrow) ; Leg. Aurea (Nu- 
remberg 1488) fol. Lxviii (2nd. col) — LXVIII^.; Firmiani Lactantii 
Opera, ed. Migne, Tom. ii. cols. 283-286, a poem of doubtful authorship 
on the Passion; and the following in Mss. for which I am indebted 
to Professor Brown, who has kindly permitted me to copy the refer- 
ences from his MS. transcripts: — Caius Coll. 174, p. 481; Camb. Univ. 
F^. 5. 48, fol. 43 b; Bod. Tanner 110, fol. 238 a (also in Caius Coll. 
Camb. 84, p. 180). 

"Cook {Mod. Lang. Notes vii. 134-137, and Christ p. 208) suggests 
Lamentations i. 12: o vos omnes qui transitis per viam, attendite et 
videte si est dolor sicut dolor meus, as a possible source forj Ithe 
Complaints of Christ, and adds that in the Sarum use this verse is 
employed as follows: — 1) as Antiphon for Lauds in Saturday of the 



INTRODUCTORY XI 

grants no deed, and is thus distinct both from the Testament 
(properly so called) and from the Charter. 

Accordingly, I have found it advisable, for the sake of 
avoiding ambiguity, to employ the title Charter and not 
Testament for those compositions which have the actual 



Paschal vigil; 2) as Respond to the ninth lesson of the 3rd Nocturn of 
the same day; 3) as part of the first lesson for the 1st Nocturn of Good 
Friday. It appears to me that Cook is certainly right. See also 
York Breviary i. {Surtees Soc. lxxi. 1880) Feria Sexta in Parasceue 
domini, Lectio viii. col. 393, where the same verse is used. Out of 
this verse, there seem to have developed a number of forms. One of 
the commonest has for theme the words, In cruce sum pro te; qui 
peccas, desine pro me! to which are often prefixed a few lines such 
as the following: 

Aspice mor talis, fuit umquam passio talis? 
Peccatum speme, pro quo mea vulnera ceme 
Aspice qui transis, quia tu mihi causa doloris, etc. 

According to John Weever these and similar verses were often in- 
scribed under crucifixes or pictures of Christ in old Abbey Churches; 
see Weever's Ancient Funeral Monuments (1631) 117-118, and 488; 
see also Rich. Rolle i. 434; MS. Trin, Coll. Camb. 323, no. 8; MS. Emman. 
Coll. Camb. 106 (14th cent.) art. lOd, fol. 36: Tu qui esgardes ma 
figure \ Jeo su deu tu ma facture ( address of Christ on the Cross ) . 
It occurs also in countless other places. Another development of the 
same theme takes the form, Homo uide quid pro te patior, an English 
version of which appears in MS. Trin. Coll. Camb. 1157, fol. 69: "O 
man unkynde, haue thow yn mynde my passion smert," etc. See also 
MS. Phillips 8336, Art. 18: Vous ke me veez en la croiz morir E pur 
Vamour de vous si dure mort suffrir. Miss F. A, Foster of Bryn Mawr 
College called my attention to this poem, recorded in an account of 
the manuscript by Paul Meyer, Romania xiii. 518. Again, a third 
type is found in Christ's reproach to His people, York Breviary i. 
Dominica quarta Quadragesime, Lectio ix, col. 334; Popule meus, 
quid feci aut quid molestus fui tihif Richard Rolle {Med. de 
Passione Domini, Horstmann, R. R. i. 88) enlarges upon this theme, 
which nas given rise to a number of Complaints, as for instance that 
(mentioned by Taylor) in Das Alsf elder Passionsspiel in Das Drama dea 
Mittelalters iii. (Dent. Nat. Litt. xiv. Stuttgart) 764-65, and also 
another in the Frankfurter Passionsspiel of 1493, Das Drama des Mittel- 
alters ii. 505-06: liehes folgk, sage mir an: was han ich dir zu leide 
getan, etc. 



Xll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

Charter form, or in which the Deed is the organizing element 
of the piece, as in the Long Charter ,^^ 

"Dr. Perrow (op. cit.) thinks that the use of the title testament for 
the Long Charter, Version A (my own designation for the text contained 
in MSB. Vernon etc, see pp. xiv ff.) might be justified on the ground that 
this Charter contains: a) the autobiographical element, which he has 
shown to be a frequent feature of the legal testament and its imitations; 
b) the same subject matter as the New Testament (of the Bible), which 
he believes was regarded as Christ's Last Will; c) the Last Will of 
Jesus. On the other hand, it may be replied, first that neither auto- 
biography nor the subject matter of the New Testament is peculiar to 
the type kno-vvn as the Last Will and Testament, since these features 
oft^n appear in various other types cf composition, such as the Com- 
plaint and the Passion poems; and secondly, that the Will of Christ 
occupies but eight lines out of 234 in the shortest version of the Long 
Charter, the organizing element being the Deed itself, which forms the 
centre of unity in the poem. It seems to me, therefore, that testament 
as a title for this version of the Charter, as well as for those consisting 
merely of the Deed, is misleading. 



I 

CLASSIFICATION OF MATEEIAL 
§ 1. Extant Charters of Christ 

There are five distinct compositions extant which belong 
to the literary type known as the " Charter of Christ." 
These are: 

I. A Latin prose charter, of about twenty-one lines, en- 
titled Carta Domini Nostri lesu Christie in a vejliim manu- 
script of the fifteenth century, Brit. Mus. Add. 21253, which 
belonged in 1633 to John Edwards of Stansti, and is chiefly 
made up of Latin homilies for Sundays throughout the year.^ 
The Charter (f. 186'-186^) manifestly forms part of a homi- 
letical discourse. The document itself is followed by the 
application, presented in the form of a curious analogy: as 
in civil law, a son may not receive the inheritance of a father 
who has been slain by an enemy, unless he pursue and avenge 
his father's death upon the slayer ; so man, a sinner, may not 
receive the heavenly inheritance granted by Christ's Charter, 
unless he pursue and destroy sin, the slayer of our Father 
Christ. This text, which, so far as I am aware, has never 
before been printed, will be found in Appendix II. 

II. A Latin poem, of from thirty-six to thirty-eight lines, 
entitled, in ms. St. John's Coll. Camb. E. 24, Carta Libera 
d. n. Ihesu Christi, and in ms. D. 8 of the same college, 
Carta Redempcionis humane. Ms. E. 24 is a vellum man- 
uscript of the fourteenth century, with twenty-six lines to 

^ See Cat. of Add. to the mss. m the Brit. Mus. in the Years 1854- 
1860 (London 1875) 347-8. Where place of publication ia omitted 
below, London is to be understood, and titles to catalogues are occasion- 
ally otherwise simplified. 

xiii 



XIV THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

the page; the Carta Libera begins at fol. 22. Ms. D. 8, 
also vellum, is a fifteenth century manuscript with thirty- 
two to forty-tAvo lines to a page, and the Charter is found 
at fol. 174". In Appendix II of the present study the text 
of E. 24 is printed with the variant readings of D. 8. The 
important relation which the Carta Libera bears to the 
Short Charter (iv below) will be discussed in Chapter II. 

III. Carta Dei, in Middle English verse, consisting of 
forty two lines in couplets, printed by W. D, Macray in Notes 
and Queries (Ser. VIII. Vol. viii. 240), from Bod. ms. Kent 
Charter 233. The date of this manuscript is 1395, though 
the transcript of the poem which, according to Macray, 
is written on the back of the Charter, is probably later. I 
have no means of knowing the date of its writing. It is 
reprinted in Appendix II. 

IV. A Middle English poem of thirty-two lines, in coup- 
lets, which I shall call for convenience the Short Charter, 
It occurs, under various titles, in thirteen manuscripts which 
will be described- in detail in Section 3. The only version 
of the Short Charter hitherto printed, so far as I am aware, 
is that in Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 5465 (" Fairfax ms."), which 
is one of the latest and worst texts (B. Fehr, in Herrig's 
Archiv cvi. 69-70). The earliest of the extant manuscripts 
is probably Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 37049, which was written in 
the first half of the fifteenth century. It is clear, however, 
from other evidence, that this form of the Charter originated 
in the fourteenth century.^ For the texts of the Short 
Charter, see pp. 4 ff. 

V. A Middle English poem, also in couplets, which ap- 
pears under various titles in the different manuscripts, but 
in the present study will be designated the Long Charter, 
Three distinct versions of this poem occur: 

' See p. XX. 



CLASSIFICATlOIsT OF MATERIAL XV 

1) Version A, normally two hundred and thirty-four 
lines, is represented by seven manuscripts, of which two (ms. 
Rawl. poet. 175 and ms. Vernon) belong to the fourteenth 
century, and the others to the fifteenth century. This 
text has already been printed from the Vernon manuscript 
by Horstmann ^ and Dr. Furnivall.^ Version A is the 
shortest and simplest of the three. Christ addresses man di- 
rectly, and after briefly reproaching him for his ingratitude, 
in the manner of the Complaint of God,^ He tells him of 
the heavenly inheritance that He has bestowed upon him. 
This gift was made, the Lord explains, by His birth into the 
world; it was confl^rmed in the Passion, and the Deed of it 
was written upon the parchment of His Body. He concludes 
by telling man of the Indenture left him as surety for the 
gift, and admonishes him to pay his rent and keep from sin. 
If man will faithfully do these things, he may claim his in- 
heritance when he will. The allegory upon which the poem 
is based consists in representing Christ's Body as the Char- 
ter — the actual crucified Body being the original document, 
and the Sacramental Body being the Indenture, the copy 
delivered to man. 

2) Veision B, containing four hundred and eighteen 
lines in its most reliable form, occurs in six manuscripts of 
the fifteenth century. It includes nearly all of the text of 
A, and two hundred lines in addition, some of which 
consist of digressions, and some of explanatory and transi- 
tional passages. There are also important difierences be- 
tween the texts of A and B in the lines which are common 
to both; these will be considered in Chapter IV. The text 
of MS. Harl. 2382 has been printed in comparison with the 

" Nachtrdge zu den Legenden, published in Herrig's Archiv lxxix. 
424-32. 

* Minor Poems of the Vernon ms. Part ii. {E. E. T, 8. Orig. Ser. 
117) 637-57. 

'^Political, Religious, and Love Poems {E. E. T. & Orig. Ser. 15. A) 
191 flf. The thema is, of course, exceedingly common. 



XVI THE MIDDLE E^vGLlSH ClIAHTERS OF CHRIST 

Vernon text of A, by Horstmann and Furnivall, as cited 
above. 

3) Version C, preserved, so far as I am aware, in but one 
manuscript, Eojal 17, C xvii.^ of the first half of the 
fifteenth century, is much longer than B, containing six 
hundred and eighteen lines. It includes all but fifty-seven 
lines of B, and has in addition two hundred and fifty-seven 
lines which are not found in either B or A. These consist 
chiefly of digressions and enlargements. Of the fifty-seven 
lines of the B-text which are here lacking, twenty-nine ap- 
pear to have been accidentally dropped by some scribe (see 
below, pp. Ixxxviiff.). Differences in the readings of lines 
common to C and B w^ill be discussed in Chapter IV. Ver- 
sion C has also been printed by Dr. Furnivall in comparison 
with the Vernon text. 



A text of the Charter of Christ which may perhaps be 
merely another manuscript of the Short Charter, is described 
by Dr. Furnivall in the Athenaeum for E'ovember 11, 1876 
(p. 623), as follows: 

" An Early English Poem in the form of a legal deed or 
Grant by Christ to mankind of his love and life, reserving 
the rent of men's faith and obedience ;. the deed being sealed 
with Christ's seal on the Cross, etc., all in regular legal 
form." According to Dr. Furnivall, the poem occurs at the 
end of a Latin sermon in a manuscript possessed by the Bed- 
ford Library at that time, and of a date later than the thir- 
teenth (?) century. I learn further that on June 17, 
1904, this manuscript was sold at Sotheby's (Lot. 457), for 
£9, to Bernard Quaritch. This is the only information I 
have been able to obtain regarding this text. Though the 
grant described above (Christ's love and life) does not cor- 
respond with that in the Short Charter (Heaven's bliss), the 
Reservation clause appears to be the same, and the form of 
the Deed, the seal, etc., suggests the Short Charter, 



CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XVll 

§ 2. The Charter of Pardon 

A type of Charter distinct from the deed of gift with 
which the present study is concerned, yet in some respects 
related to it, is Christ's Charter of Pardon. Like the deed 
of gift, this purports to be a document drawn up by the Lord 
in behalf of man. The only example of this type which I have 
seen is a poem of fourteen seven-line stanzas, entitled the 
Charter of Pardon or the Charter of Mercy, found in the 
thirty-fourth chapter of the Pylgrimage of the Sowle (ed. 
Caxton, 1483), an English translation of J. Gallope's French 
prose version of the Pelerinage de VAme of Guillaume de 
Deguileville. According to Dibdin's record,^ this transla- 
tion was made in 1413. The Charter, along Vv^ith other 
poems occurring in the Pylgrimage, has been assigned by Dr. 
Furnivall to Hoccleve. For the text and Dr. FurnivalFs 
remarks concerning it, see the Early English Text Society 
Extra Series lxxii. pp. xxviii. if. and xx. if. 

This poem contains the initial formula of the Royal Par- 
don in English translation, — '^ Jhesu Kyng to Mychael and 
all thyn assessours etc. . . . my gretyng." After thus be- 
ginning, Christ declares that at the instigation of Miserycord 
and the Blessed Virgin, His Mother, He will receive into 
His peace all those who cry " Jesu Mercy " before their 
death and defy their earthly lusts. '^ He further grants them 
full release from hell pain, and forbids Michael to proceed 
against them. All, however, who remain in sin without 
purpose of amending, trusting only to this Charter for salva- 
tion, and all who are obstinate and desperate, are excepted 

^See Tijp. Antiq. i. (1810) 152 1. 

'' For a legal writ of Perdonavimus, see H. Hall, A Formula Book of 
Eng. 0-fficial Hist. Documents Pt. I. (Camb. 1908) 84. This writ, 
dated in the 3rd year of Edward I., contains the clause: ad instanciam 
Jcarissime matris nostre, Alianore Regine Anglie, perdonavimus, etc., an 
interesting parallel to Christ's declaration that His Mother and Myserv- 
cord interceded with Him on behalf of sinners. 



XVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

from the benefits of the Pardon. The final formulae — In 
cuius rei testimonium and Teste Bege (or me ipso) apudj 
etc. — are lacking. 

The two documents described below are inaccessible to me. 
From the accounts given of them, they appear to be Pardons 
similar to that which Furnivall attributes to Hoccleve: 

I. " A General Free Pardon or Charter of Hevjn's Blys, 
compiled in our old Englyssh Tong in 1400." Dibdin,^ 
from whom I obtained the reference, says it was issued by 
Lant's ^ press, though he assigns no date for its appearance. 

II. The General Pardon^ described in 1853 by Charles 
C. Babington,^^ of St. John's College, Cambridge, as follows: 

" An imperfect copy of a small tract (measuring five and 
a half inches by three and a half inches) has recently come 
into my hands, of which I much desire the wanting parts. 
It is entitled : ' The General Pardon, geuen longe agone, and 
sythe newly confyrmed, by our Almightie Father, with many 
large Priuileges, Grauntes, and BuUes graunted for euer, as 
is to be seen hereafter : Drawne out of Frenche into English. 
By Wyllyam Hayward.^^ Imprinted at London, by Wyllyam 
How, for Wyllyam Pickeringe.' " " There is no date," 
says Mr. Babington, '^ but it is believed to have been printed 
in or about 1571. It is in black letter, and is an imitation 
of the Koman Catholic pardons. It consists of twelve leaves. 

^ Typ. Antiq. in. (London 1816) 582, footnote. Herbert, according 
to Dibdin, refers to White's Cat. of 1789 for this work. 

^I do not know Lant's date. He is spoken of in 1541, and "became 
a member of the Company in 1556." See Dibdin in. 579. 

^^ Notes and Queries 1st Series vii. 15. Mr. Babington's note is 
dated Jan. 1, 1853. 

"This Wyllyam Hayward is doubtless the same as the author of 
the " Bellum Grammaticale. A discourse . . . betwene . . . the noune 
and the verhe . . . Turned into English by W. H ( ayward ) ." H. Bynne- 
man. (London 1569). See the Catalogue of Books in the Brit. Mus. 
under Andreas Guarna. 



CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XIX 

In my copy, the last seven of these are torn through their 
middle vertically." Mr. Babington searched for this tract 
without success in the British Museum, Bodleian, Cam- 
bridge University, Lambeth, and in several of the college 
libraries. Possibly it is a copy of N'o. I. above. The phrase 
'^compiled in our old Englyssh Tong," in the description 
of No. I., suggests that its source may have been in a foreign 
language; and The General Pardon is definitely stated to 
be a translation from the Trench. 

It is to be noted that in N"o. I., if we may judge from the 
title, the pardon and the deed of gift seem to be combined. 
We find the combination also in one text of the Short 
Charter — ms. Ash. 189 — where seven lines referring to a 
pardon are annexed to the Deed.^^ 'Bo, II., though said to 
be drawn up in imitation of the Roman Catholic Pardons, 
contains " many large priuileges, Grauntes,'' etc. ; these 
" Grauntes " may have included a grant of Heaven within 
the Pardon. Having but one text of the Pardon type acces- 
sible, it is not possible to determine the relation that it bears 
to the Charter of Christ, It seems probable, however, from 
such evidence as we have, that the Pardon was merely a later 
outgrowth of the Charter. 



§ 3. Manuscripts of the Short Charter 

A, Brit. Mus. ms. Sloane 3292, Art. 3, fol. 2.^3 The 
title of the poem is Magna Carta de Lihertatihus Mundi, 
The date of the manuscript is given as the sixteenth century 
by the cataloguer.^* It contains but three other articles: — 

" See p. 15. 

*'For my transcript of this Charter, I am indebted to Professor 
Brown, and for examination of the seal and legend to Dr. Helen E. 
Sandison. 

^* Index to the Sloane mss. in the Brit. Mus. (1904) 430. Here the 
Charter is incorrectly cited as Latin poetry instead of English. Cf. 
also Ayscough's Cat., issued in 1782. 



XX THE MIDDLE EJSTGLISH CHAETEES OF CHEIST 

(1) Medical Eeceipts (or Prescriptions), anonymous; (2) 
Paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer; and (4) Eeceipts for dye- 
ing silk, making colours and inks. In regard to the date 
of the Charter, this manuscript furnishes some interesting 
information. Written in the two spaces at each side of a 
large roundish seal, drawn at the base of the Charter as 
though appended to it, and inscribed with a wounded heart 
marked with five drops of blood, is the following note : " Mr. 
Lambert a Justice of Peace in Kent ^^ found this on a graue- 
stone in an Abby in Kent bearing date A° Dni 1400 a copie 
whereof was geuen to Mr. Humfry Windham of Winsecombe 
in the county of Somerset. Uppon the other si[de o]f the 
scale there was should be a P [e] 1 [ican] [picki] ng her bloo[d] 
for. ..." If this statement is true — and I can see no 
reason to doubt it — the Charter belongs to the fourteenth 
century. The words " Uppon the other si[de o]f the scale," 
etc., I am inclined to interpret as meaning that a pelican 
(for the reading pelican cf. account of ms. Stowe 620 below) 
was actually carved upon the stone beside the seal ; ^^ but 
that the person who copied from the stone did not care 
to reproduce the picture upon his own Charter. The letters 
B & B [or Z>] are written in pencil above the strap of the 
seal. 

The couplets of the Charter are arranged in groups, each 
containing one or two Latin rubrics. The scribe of this text, 

"This is evidently William Lambarde, author of the Perambulations 
of Kent. There is, however, no reference in the Perambulations to this 
Charter or the stone upon which it was found. 

"Though so late in date, the following may have interest, as being 
perhaps a survival of an ancient custom: on a stone, a flat tomb- 
stone, in the Church Yard of Leigh, between Worcester and Malvern, 
is the " pelican in her piety " on the top of the Cross which is sculp- 
tured in the stone. The stone bears the label " For as often as ye eat 
this bread and drink this cup, ye do show the Lord's death till He 
come." The earliest date on the stone is 1797. This is an abstract 
of a note, signed by Cuthbert Bede, which occurs in Notes and Queries 
5th Ser. ix. 261, dated Apr. 6th, 1878. 



CLASSIFICATION OF MATEEIAL XXI 

whether " Mr. Lambert " or another, has inverted the order 
of the two last groups, that introduced by Hijs Testihus com- 
ing at the end instead of the group containing the date. 

B. Brit. Mus. ms. Stowe 620, fol. 11^ Title, Magna 
Carta de lihertatibus mundi. The manuscript is a folio of 
paper, with thirty-eight leaves, of the late sixteenth century. 
It contains " Kentish pedigrees, evidences, heraldic and ge- 
nealogical notes taken in Churches and private houses, etc., 
collected in or about the years 1592-1594," together with 
other items chiefly relating to legal affairs. Among early 
documents copied in Stowe 620 are: (1) "Memoranda of 
the committal of [John] Foxley, Baron of the Exchequer, 
on a charge of improper conduct at the assizes at Winchester, 
3 Edw. II. [1309-10] . . .;" and (2) "Extracts from the 
Collectors' accompts of an aid in Kent on the knighting of 
the Black Prince, 20 Edw. III. [1346]." ^' At the middle 
of the lower edge of the Charter is represented a pointed seal 
which bears the legend: De Charta redemptionis humane 
Sigillum salvatoris domini nostri lesu Xpu. Upon the seal 
also is a heart with the spear-thrust and five drops of blood. 
To the left of the strap attaching the seal to the Charter, and 
after the last words of the Charter itself, occurs the follow- 
ing: Cor charte appensum rosei vice cerne sigilli; which 
continues on the other side, spreta morte tui solus id egit 
amor. To the left of the seal itself, and therefore not form- 
ing part of the Charter, are the words : Matris ut hec proprio 
stirps est sacrata cruore Pascis item proprio Xpc cruore tue; 
something seems to be missing to complete the sentence. At 
the right of the Charter are some English words : " ther 
under nethe in the corner is the olde pointed scale within 
this charter was sett downe was a pellicane a pickinge Her 
brest and with bloode flowinge Her yonge one in the nest 

" Ca#. of the Stowe mss. in the Brit. Mus. i. (1895) 482. 



XXll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEKS OF CHRIST 

with the verses about her." Then under all this are the 
Latin verses: 

TJt pellicanus fit patris sanguine sanus 
Sic nos salvati sumus omnes sanguine nati 

The words " ther under nethe in the comer is the olde 
pointed seale," seem to mean that in the original the seal 
was attached to one corner of the Charter instead of depend- 
ing from the centre of the lower margin, as it is represented 
in the Stowe ms. It will be noted that the original con- 
tained a pelican (and here the word is plain, furnishing me 
with the clue for the reading in Sloane 3292) within the 
Charter itself, if we are to take the literal meaning of the 
words. 

C. Brit. Mus. Add. Charter 5960. " Charta [Jesu 
Christi'] de libertatihus Mundi, written in English verse, in 
imitation of a charter, about the year 1500." ^^ Upon ap- 
plication to Sir George Warner of the Department of Manu- 
scripts, I was informed that Add. Ch. 5960 belongs to the 
end of the sixteenth century. It contains the legend: Cor 
charte appensum rosei vice cerne sigilli spreta morte, tui 
solus id egit amor, in common with ms. Stowe 620, and bears 
two lists of formal signatures. The first is headed : " Sealed 
& delivered in ye presence of " . . . after which follow the 
names of the three Marys, St. John, and the centurion Lon- 
ginus. The second reads: 

f Matthew 
Marke 
Luke 
lohn 



Ita fideui facimus 



Notary Puhlici 



Upon the strap of the seal (which does not itself appear in 
my rotograph) are the letters ^' CHS IHS," and below, 

^ List of Additions to the Department of Mss. {in the Brit. Mus.] 
in the Year 1841, p. 64. 



CLASSIFICATIOIT OF MATERIAL XXlll 

factum, est cor meum. tanquam cera liques .... Psal. 
22, 13 [?].i^ 

D, Brit. Mus. ms. Harl. 6848, Art. 36, fol. 221. The 
Harleian catalogue describes the manuscript as follows : " A 
Folio, containing Papers chiefly relating to Ecclesiastical 
Affairs. A great part of them bought of Mr. Baker by Mr. 
H. Wanley.'^ Art. 36 is said to be ^^ a paper in old English 
Verse, entitled Magna Charta de lihertatihus Mundi. In 
form of Letters patent from our Saviour." ^^ The date of 
the manuscript was given me as the eighteenth century by Sir 
George Warner. This text, written as prose, is almost 
exactly the same as that in Add. Ch. 5960, except for spell- 
ing, and there is good reason to believe that it is a copy of 
the other; see p. Ixv. It contains the same list of wit- 
nesses, etc., and the sentence beginning cor chart e, but lacks 
the words on the strap of the seal : factum est cor meum etc. 
This strap is represented by two strokes down from the body 
of the document, and no seal is drawn at the end. The 
letters " CHS IHS " of Add. Charter are " CHS CHS " 
in Harl. 6848. 

E. Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 37049, Art. 16, fol. 23\ The 
manuscript contains : '^ The Desert of Religion and other 
poems and religious pieces, etc., mostly illustrated, in 
N"orthern English .... Paper (except if. 1, 2) ; ff. 1 + 
96. First half of the XV. cent. The colored drawings are 
in the crudest style. On f . 1 is an old number 94. 10% in. 
X 8 in." ^^ The title given to the poem in the catalogue, 

"Incorrect reference. It should be either Psal. 21. 15 (Vulgate), 
or Psal. 22. 14 (Eng. Versions). We should expect the Vulgate numer- 
ation, since the verse is quoted in Latin. It looks as though the scribe, 
after copying the verse, added the reference from an English Bible. 

'° Cat. of Harl. mss. iii. (1808) 435. The title cited by the catalogue 
does not appear in my rotograph of this Charter. 

'^Cat. of Add. to the MSS. in the Brit. Mus. in the Years 1900-05 
(1907) 324 ff. 



XXIV THE MIDDLE EiS'GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

wiiicli does not, however, appear in the Charter itself, is, 
The Charter of Human Redemption. It is written as prose. 
The Deed is represented as inscribed upon an immense sheet, 
held in the two hands of Christ on the Cross. The drawing 
of the body of Christ is very crude. He is covered with the 
marks of wounds, and His hands and feet are pierced with 
nails; He wears a curious sort of turban and a halo sur- 
rounds His head. The spear wound is also to be seen, drop- 
ping blood. Instruments of the Passion (scourges, spear, 
hammer, the pillar, wrapped with the cords and stained with 
blood, the sponge on a pole, and, of course, the Cross itself) 
are all to be seen, not in the Deed but upon the folio con- 
taining it. At the bottom of the sheet are representations 
of grinning skulls, and bones. To the middle of the lower 
edge of the Charter is attached a pointed seal, drawn as 
though fastened by thongs in the usual fashion, and in the 
centre of the seal is the heart with the spear thrust and the 
five drops of blood. The sacred monogram " IHS " appears 
on the seal. 

F, Brit. Mus. ms. Harl. 116, Art. 2, fol. 97'. Title, 
Carta Redempcionis Humane, " A Parchment Book, writ- 
ten by different Hands, in a small fol." . . . . " [The 
Charter] is a short Poem, feigned to be Spoken by our 
Savior, and composed in the Form of a Deed of Feoffment. 
In the Index of Contents at the Beginning of the Book, it 
is called Magna Carta BalvatorisJ^ ^^ The Catalogue gives 
no indication as to where the hands change. The date as- 
signed to Article 2 by Sir George Warner is the second half 
of the fifteenth century. This copy of the Charter contains 
no seal and no Latin sentences. 

G. Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 24343, Art. 2, ff. 6'-7', written in 
single columns. The title (given at the end of the Charter) 

^'Cat. of Harl. MS3. i. (1808) 35. 



CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XXV 

is Carta Redempcionis humane. The text is " in English 
verse^ framed in imitation of a grant of land; .... [The 
manuscript is] vellum; XVth cent. Small Quarto." ^^ 
There is no seal attached to this Charter. At the top of 
fol. 6' are the letters '' I H C/' and at the bottom of fol. 7" 
are the words; ^^ Min harte life and dere," written in a 
different and more modern hand. From the rotograph in 
my possession, I should judge the manuscript to be much 
stained, and fol. 6^ gives the appearance of having had a 
portion of another piece erased upon it, or faded, over which 
the Charter was written. The lines of the Charter are in- 
scribed between the very faint lines of the erased article. 
It is impossible to determine what this may have been. The 
only other article in the manuscript is No. 1, which the 
catalogue describes as follows : '' Les cink ioyes de nostre 
Dame; in French verse; preceded by, and interspersed with, 
prayers in Latin and French." 

H. Caius Coll. Camb. ms. 230, Art. 21, fol. 25^ written 
in double columns. Title (given in the Colophon), Carta 
Hunisine redem.pcio7i .... the rest is cut off by the edge 
of the page. The manuscript is vellum, of the fifteenth 
century, and came " from St. Alban's Abbey, as appears by 
many of the verses contained in the volume. It is closely 
connected with Abbot John Whethamstede." ^^ The Charter 
has no seal or illustrations. 

I. Bod. MS. Ashmole 61, Art. 28, fol. 106, occupying but 
little more than one-half of one of the double columns in 
which the manuscript is written. The title heading the 

'^ Cat. of Add. to the mss. in the Brit. Mus. in the Years 1854-75 ii. 
(1877) 57. 

" James's Cat. of the mss. in the Lib. of Gonville and Caius College I. 
(Cambridge 1907) 268-76; and "Corrigenda," ii. p. xv. 



XXVI THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

poem is Testamentum domini. The manuscript is thus de- 
scribed : ^^ A very tall and narrow folio volume, consisting of 
161 leaves of paper of the largest size folded down the length 
of the sheet. On a flyleaf at the beginning is fixed a torn 
leaf containing a spoiled copy of 30 lines of the first article, 
and part of a list of the contents of the volume, which are: 
A collection of Metrical Romances, Lays, and other Poems 
in Old English, made by one Eate, in or before the time of 
Henry VII." ^^ At the end of the Charter is drawn a 
shield, described thus in the catalogue : "a shield charged 
with a cross between 4 suns, and in the centre a heart with 
a sun in it." The four suns and the sun within the heart 
seem to be intended to represent the ^ye wounds of Christ, 
that in the heart being the one made by the spear. What 
appears in the drawing to be rays may be blood marks. 

/. Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 237, Art. 19, fol. 100-100": Carta 
Humane Redempcionis, written in double columns. The 
manuscript is described as a " Codex Chartaceus et male- 
hahitus in 4to." ^^ The date of this text (art. 19), as fur- 
nished me by Sir George Warner, is the late fifteenth 
century. The Charter is crowded in between art. 18, De 
Ordinatione, and art. 20, Formula injungendi populo preces, 
in Ecclesia ParochialL The text begins with line 7, imme- 
diately following the title. Carta humane redempcionis, and 
proceeds in this order: 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 19, 21, 23, 25, 
27, 29, 31, 33, 1, 2, 3, 4, [5 and 6 lacking], 8, 10, 12, 14, 
16, 18, 20, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30, 32, 34. It will be evident 
that the mistake is due to the scribe's having copied his lines 
in the wrong order from a text arranged in double columns, 
something like this: 

'"W. H. Black's Cat. of the Ashmolean and other MSS. (Oxford 1845) 
cols. 106-109. 

'^Cat. of Harl. mss. i. (1808) 73. 



CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XXVll 







Top 


OF A Folio. 




End of 




1 
2 




another article. 


3 


Carta humane 


redempcionis 


~4 


7 






8 


9 






10 


11 






12 


13 






14 


15 






16 


17 






18 


19 






20 


21 






22 


23 






24 


25 






26 


27 






28 


29 






30 


31 






32 


33 






34 



The scribe of the original manuscript, having some space left 
to the right, began his article there ; but he had first written 
his title at the end of the preceding piece, as was customary, 
before he thought of saving the blank space to the right. 
The scribe of Harl. 237, seeing the title just above what is 
in reality line 7, supposed that to be the beginning of the 
Charter and proceeded to copy from that point down the left 
column and then down the right. As he had presumably 
just finished a Latin prose treatise, and would not be looking 
for rhyme, and as the first few lines he copied of this text 
made sense, he continued without noticing that after line 17 
he was writing nonsense. The Charter has the colophon, 
quod I lang.'' Whether this is the name of the supposed 
author or of the scribe I cannot say. The preceding article 
is subscribed as nearly. as I can make out, B". Goffiidua de 
teiapoTe ord. . 

K. Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 5465 (ms. Fairfax), Art. 50, 
ff. 119''-124.* This manuscript is described in detail by B. 



XXVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

Fehr, in Herrig's ArcMv cvi. 48-70, and the songs it con- 
tains, of which the Charter is one, are printed with the 
description, exclusive of the musical notation which accom- 
panies them. '' Robert Ffajrfax '' was, according to Fehr, a 
celebrated musician and composer who received in 1504 the 
degree of Mus. D. from Cambridge, in 1511 the same de- 
gree from Oxford, and died in 1529. Fehr believes it pos- 
sible that the manuscript was written by Fairfax's own hand, 
as we know from entries in the " State's Papers " that he 
increased his income by writing music books. " Soviel ist 
sicher," says Fehr, '' dass die Handschrift Fairfax' Besitz 
war : sein Wappen ist auf dem Titelblatt gezeichnet, und auf 
S. 40 in die beiden Anfangsbuchstaben M hineingeflochten. 
Wie das Titelblatt weiter andeutet, gehorte das Liederbuch 
im Jahre 1618 dem General Fairfax, von dem es spater in 
die Hande des Ralph Thoresby von Leeds iiberging ; " etc. 

L. Bod. MS. Ashmole 189, fol. 109, written in single 
column, about twenty-five lines to the page. In this manu- 
script, as in MS. Fairfax, the Charter figures as a song. It 
is the tenth in " ^ A collection of Hymns and religious ditties ' 
in Old English," which is the sixth article (apparently) in 
the second of the four manuscripts that are bound in Ash. 
189. Black's account ^"^ of this second manuscript is as 
follows: ^'The second ms. consists of 40 leaves (fi. 70-109), 
rudely written, on lines ruled with red ink, in the XVth 
century. On the upper corner of the second page is a dis- 
tich, written in a cypher of Arabic numerals for the vowels; 
which may be read thus : 

' Qui scripsit certe Ricardus nominatur aperte 
Quod si queratur recte Wraxall cognominatur.' 

On the middle of the last page but one is the following in- 
scription : ' Dominus Ricardus Coscumhe prior de Muchel- 
ney est possessor huius libri.' This being in the same hand- 

^' See his Cat. op. cit. col. 151. 



CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XXIX 

writing as tlie other note (thougli without cypher) shows a 
probability that both names mean the same person. The 
handwriting of the book is very different." Under the 
entry of the Charter occurs the following note : " This is a 
version of what was called Carta Cliristi or Testamentum 
Domini: it is longer than the copy in I^o. 61, art. 28: and 
pretends to grant an indulgence of 26030 years and 11 days." 
The refrain is : " Wette ye All that bene here," the first line 
of the Charter. 

M. St. John's Coll. Camb. ms. B. 16, fol. 53. The 
manuscript is described by Dr. M. E. James (Descriptive 
Catal. of the MS8. in the Lib. of St. Johns Coll. Camb., 
1913) as: '^ Vellum and paper . . . several volumes. Cent. 
XV and xiv. Ex dono Magistri gerit ecclesiae Barhroohe in 
Essexia Rectoris/' Under I, presumably designating the 
first volume of the set, is entered Carta redemptoris, begin- 
ning: "Weyteth now alle that ben here," etc. From the 
fact that no date is assigned to this volume, and that Vol. in 
is definitely assigned to the fourteenth century, I infer that 
Vol. I is written in a fifteenth century hand. Dr. James 
refers to this Charter as " printed by Furnivall, E. E. T. S.," 
but so far as I am aware neither Furnivall nor the E. E. T. S. 
has printed the Short Charter. 

§ 4. Manuscripts of the Lo7ig Charter 

A-Text 28 

F. Bod. MS. Eawl. poet. 175, Art. 7, ff. 94'-95'; in col- 
umns of about forty-two lines each. Mr. Madan's account 

^The symbols F, G, H, etc., of these mss., as well as A, B, C, etc., 
used of the mss. of Version B and of the Short Charter, have no 
significance as regards priority or rank of the mss., but were applied 
arbitrarily when the writer first began work upon them. Later, the 
difficulties involved in altering the symbols to an order more consistent 
with the results attained, made it seem unwise to change them. 



XXX THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

of the manuscript is as follows: '^ in English, on parchment: 
written in the middle of the fourteenth century: 11% x 8 
in., 1 -f" 136 leaves, in double columns. Old English re- 
ligious and moral poems. . . . Owned in 1630 by ' Chris- 
tofer Fauell ' : perhaps earlier by ' Kaphe Warmoud.' The 
manuscript came to Eawlinson from the Thoresby collec- 
tion." ^^ The Charter has no title, but just above the first 
line it bears the legend, Ihesus est amor meus, 

G. Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 11307, Art. 2, ff. 89-97, written 
in single columns, each containing about twenty-six or twenty- 
eight lines. This manuscript is described in the catalogue 
as a vellum octavo of the XVth century.^^ Sir George 
Warner assigns it to the first half of the century. The 
Charter is without title, and is accompanied by a recent 
transcript, which is unsigned. Four recent transcripts of 
other articles contained in this manuscript were made by 
Joseph Haslewood, but the catalogue does not say that he is 
the author of the transcript of the Charter. 

H, Brit. Mus. ms. Harl. 2346, Art. 16, ff. 51-55, in single 
columns, of about twenty-eight lines each. The manuscript 
is a small quarto, written upon parchment, and composed 
chiefly of theological tracts. Article 16 is " An old English 
Poem upon the Love of our blessed Savior to Mankind, & 
his Sufferings for us: wherein, by a Prosopopoeia, he is 
made to be the Speaker." ^^ Sir George Warner informs 
me that the article was written in the first half of the 
fifteenth century. 

/. Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 5396, part of Art. 4, ff. 301-305'. 
written in single columns, varying from twenty-two to twenty- 

» Summary Gat. of Western mss. hi. (Oxford 1895) 321-2. 
""See List of Add. to the mss. in the Brit. Mus. in the Year 1838 
(1843) 2-3. 
"See Cat. of Harl. mss. n. (1808) 662. 



CLASSIFICATION OF MATEEIAL XXXI 

six lines in length. Under Art. 4, which the cataloguer 
describes as '^ A very curious Book on paper," is an inscrip- 
tion in a modern hand, running thus : ^' A collection of 
ancient Poems, with some other memorandums, dated the 
34th year of K. Hen. YI. 1456." ^^ The same hand gives a 
summary of the chief contents. Sir George Warner's date 
for this Charter is late fifteenth century. The title heading 
the Charter is, What Chryst hath done for us. Opposite line 
32 is some writing, unintelligible to me, which appears to 
form two or three words. Again, at the end of the Charter, 
on page 305^", are two are three words illegible (at least to 
me), after which Explycit is written in a hand different 
from that of the poem. 

/. Bod. MS. Add. C. 280 (Summary Cat. ]^o. 29572), 
Art. 4a, ff. 124-5, written in double columns, with about forty 
lines in each. The manuscript is '' on parchment : written in 
the first half of the fifteenth cent, in England ( ?) : 10% x 
Y% in., 127 leaves: binding, stamped brown leather, early 
17th cent. English work." The chief contents of the manu- 
script is the French text of the Travels of Sir John Mande- 
ville, " Eols. 124-127 contain two English poems, added 
about the middle of the 15th cent. : (1) Carta domini Nostri 
Ihesu Cristi . . . . in 212 lines: (2) on the life of Christ, 
beg. : ' Alle 3e mowyn be blythe & glade,' in 358 lines." ^^ 
The title quoted just above is given in the colophon. On fol. 
127** occurs the following mark of ownership: Iste liber con- 
stat JohsLimi Heruy de Lyncolnes Inn ; and just below, signa 
dede. The catalogue notes that Hervy was admitted to 
Lincoln's Inn in 1509. 

K. Bod. MS. 89 (Sum. Cat. no. 1886), ff. 45-49, Art. 2, 
in single columns of about twenty-eight lines each. The 

^2 See Cat. of Earl. mss. iii. (1808) 264-5. 

^Summary Cat. of Western mss. v. (Oxford 1905) 646. 



XXXll THE MIDDLE ENGEISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

poem is headed : Hie incipit Carta Xpi. On folio 49, at the 
bottom of the page and, I should judge, in the scribe's own 
hand, are the words: Iste liher constat Domine Tliome 8ey- 
'b^y99^' Jiist at the end of the Charter is the following in 
a diiferent hand : Deux pere sapite nous donn pais & plente- 
ocu^ & sancte abstinence et cliarite hon vie & hon & fyn et 
vitam eteinam. amen. At the top of fol. 49 a mark of owner- 
ship with the date 1431 is written in a third hand, as follows : 
In higit-siem Margarete IdM miiijxxxj Harwod. Bodley's 
librarian informs me that both the Charter and the only 
other article contained in Bod. 89 (Speculum Christiani, ff. 
1-44, in a different hand from the Charter) were written 
about the year 1400. 

L. Magd. Coll. Oxf. ms. St. Peter-in-the-East 18 e. This 
Charter is a fragment which is written on the back of a 
secular charter document preserved in the muniment room 
of Magdalen College, Oxford. The following description of 
the manuscript and fragment was most kindly furnished me 
by the Rev. H. A. Wilson, Librarian of Magdalen College, 
Oxford : " The parchment on which the fragment is written 
measures about ten inches by ^ve. It contains on the one 
side a document numbered ^ 18 e' belonging to the series of 
charters and deeds relating to the parish of St. Peter in the 
East in Oxford preserved in the muniment room of Magda- 
len College. The document is a record of a presentment 
made in the King's Court in Oxford, on the part of the 
Master and brethren of the Hospital of St. John Baptist, on 
the Monday after the Exaltation of the Cross, in the 13th 
year of Henry IV. (i. e. on Sept. 19th, 1412), for the abate- 
ment of a nuisance caused to them by the Proctors of the 
University having made a new window in a hall called Blake- 
hall (Black Hall), in the parish of St. Peter in the East, 
opening on the land of a tenement belonging to the Master 
and Brethren. The fragment is written across the back of 
the document [in long double lines] in a small neat hand of 



CLASSIFICATIOIT OF MATERIAL XXXlll 

the 15th century, probably of a date nearly the same with 
that of the document. It begins about an inch from one end 
of the parchment and about three inches remain blank at 
the other end after the last line." 

V. Bod. MS. Vernon, ff. 317'-3187^ of the latter 
part of the fourteenth century. The title of the Charter is 
Testamentum Christi. It has been printed twice : by Horst- 
mann in Herrig's ArcMv, and by Dr. Furnivall in the 
Publications of the Early English Text Society, as has been 
already noted.^^ 

B-Text 

A, Brit. Mus. ms. Cott. Calig. A II., Art. I. (20), f. 77. 
The manuscript is of the fifteenth century.^^ Article I.^*^ 
is a " collection of old English poems or lays . . . with some 
prose tracts intermixed," of which no. 20 is entitled Carta 
Jhu Xpi. A description of this manuscript is to be found 
in Dr. Edith Rickert's edition of Emare.^^ Dr. Rickert 
assigns the manuscript with great probability to the period 
between the years 1446 and 1460. Of. also Glauning's ed. 
of the Two Nightingale Poems.^^ 

B, Camb. Univ. ms. Ff. 2. 38, Art. 25, ff. 39'-42'. "A 
folio on paper, 247 leaves, double columns of about 40 lines 
each, handwriting uniform and of the middle of the XYth 
century: wants some leaves. A collection of Early English 

^ I am indebted to Professor Brown for the number of the folio 
containing the end of this text. 

'^ See p. XV. 

^"See Cat. Cott. mss. (1802) 42. 

»^This was originally MS. Vesp. D 8. See Dr. Rickert, Umare {E. 
E. T. S. Ex. Ser. 99) p. ix. 

"^ E. E. T. S. Ex. Ser. 99 pp. ix-xi. 

^« £;. ^. r. iSf. Ex. Ser. 80 pp. xi-xiii. 



XXXIV THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

Pieces, chiefly metrical." ^^ The Charter is entitled, ^e 
Chartur of Criste, For further information regarding the 
manuscript, see J. O. Halliwell, Thornton Romances (Lon- 
don 1844) pp. xxxvi.-xlv. ; and McKnight, Horn/'^ who 
describes it as being in the hand of a Southern scribe. 

C. Camb. Univ. ms. li. 4. 9, Art. 2, ff. 42'-47\ A frag- 
ment of the Charter only, containing 248 lines. The title 
in the colophon is feoffoment Ihc. The manuscript is " a 
quarto on paper, containing 197 leaves [written in single 
columns] with about 28 lines in each page;, handwriting of 
the XVth century.42 

D. Camb. Univ. MS. Ee. 2. 15, Art. 7, ff. 90'-94\ "Kun- 
ning title : The Chartur ^ a poem on the last sufferings of Our 
Blessed Lord. [The ms. is] a folio, on paper, very much 
mutilated, 95 leaves [written in single columns] about 35 
lines in each page, handwriting of the fifteenth or beginning 
of the sixteenth century."*^ This text is imperfect, lacking 
the first sixty-eight lines. 

E. Camb. Univ. ms. li. 3. 26, Art. 2, ff. 235'-237\ Title, 
Bona Carta gloriose passionis domini nostri ihu xpl. The 
Catalogue describes this manuscript as " a folio, on parch- 
ment, containing 237 leaves, with 43 lines in each page. 
Date, the fifteenth century." ^* But the Charter is written 
in double columns, with about forty-four lines in each, not 
forty-three lines to the page. At the bottom of folio 236^* is 
the following record of ownership : '^ Thys ys George Tow- 
kars bowke, lentt to hyme by George HaroUde surgentt, the 
fyrst day of August, Anno Domini 1558." 



*° Cat. of Mss. i'.i Camh. Univ. Lib. II. (Cambridge 1857) 404. 
*'E. E. T. S. Ex. £er. 14 A. p. Iv. 

*^ Cat. of MSS. in Camb. Univ. Lib. in. (Camb. 1858) 448. 
*^Cat. of MSS. in Camb. Univ. Lib. ii. (Cambridge, 1857) 31. 
^Cat. of MSS. in Camb. Univ. Lib. in. (Cambridge 1858) 429. 



CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XXXV 

Z. Brit. Mus. ms. Harl. 2382, Art. 8, fol. Ill' ; Testa- 
mentum Christi. ^^ A paper book in 4to, wherein are con- 
tained several Theological Poems, composed by Dan, John 
Ljdgate Monk of Bury, Geffery Chancer, & others." ^^ The 
Charter has been twice printed from this manuscript: in 
Herrig's AfcMv lxxix. 424-32 by Horstmann, and in the 
Minor Poems of the Vernon ms. Part ii. {E, E, T, S. Orig. 
Ser. 117) by Dr. Furnivall.^^ 

C-Text 

R. Brit. Mus. ms. Eoyal 17, C xvn. Art. ( ?), leaf 112'- 
leaf 116", of the beginning of the XVth century. This 
Charter has been printed by Furnivall in Minor Poems of 
the Vernon ms. Part il {E. E. T. S. Orig. Ser. 117). 

*^CaL of Harl. MSS. ii. (1808) 675. 

** Through Mr. Flower, of the Department of mss. in the British 
Museum, I learn that ms. Addit. 11809 (2nd half of the 15th cent.) 
contains, at fol. 34, an Irish prose translation of the Middle English 
" Testamentum Christi" according to the version in ms. Harl. 2382. 
The Irish text is a close and literal translation of the Middle English 
verses. It is the only instance, of which Mr. Flower is aware, of an 
Irish translation of a Middle English poem. 



II 

HISTOEY AND SOUECES 

§ 1. The Charter as a Literary Type 

It would be natural, perhaps, to suppose that a form which 
lends itself so readily to imitation as the legal grant or deed 
of gift, would have been seized upon eagerly by mediaeval 
writers, whose fondness for allegory would presumably have 
led them to see in the Charter, as in the Last Will and 
Testament, a convenient medium of symbolic expression. 

This, however, does not appear to have been the case. 
Examples of the type represented by the Charter of Christ, 
in which the legal form is made to subserve a literary pur- 
pose, are exceedingly rare both in England and on the Con- 
tinent. Indeed, I know of but one example originating in 
France — Eutebeuf ^s version of the deed granted to the devil 
by Theophilus ; ^ even this, however, is not a true illustration 
of the type, since it contains no allegorical element but pur- 
ports to be an actual charter drawn by Theophilus. It is 
noteworthy that in the Middle English versions of this legend 
the deed itself does not appear until the latter part of the 
fifteenth century.^ 

*See Achille Jubinal, CEuvres Completes de Ruteheuf ii. (Paris 1839) 
104-105. 

* See for this legend and its various versions, E. Kolbing, Beitrdge 
z. Vergl. Geschichte der Romantischen Poesie und Prosa des Mittelalters 
(Breslau 1876) 1; and Eng. Stud. i. 10 flf., xxxii. 1 fif.; the last of these 
contains the deed, stanzas 45 ff. (ed. W. Heuser). See also Jubinal, 
op. cit. Note B, pp. 26011'. 

The Devil's Charter by Barnabe Barnes, a play acted probably for 
the first time in 1607, contains a Charter between the Devil and Pope 
Alexander VI. (ed. R. B. McKerrow, 1904, in Materialien zur Kunde 
des dlteren Englischen Dramas vi.). 

xxxvi 



HISTORY A1^T> SOURCES XXXVll 

In considering examples of the charter type in Middle 
English we may also leave out of account the spurious grants 
of land purporting to be executed by Athelstan, Edward the 
Confessor, etc., since these too are not allegorical, but actual, 
deeds.^ Aside from the Charters of Christ I know of only 
two instances of the allegorical charter in Middle English: 
the ^^ Charter of Eavel to Falsehood," in Piers Plowman,^ 
and the Charter of the Ahhey of the Holy Ghost,^ 

The '^ Charter of Favel to Falsehood," including the 
description of its witnesses, sealing, etc., occupies in the 
A-text but twenty-two lines. Like certain versions of the 
Charter of Christ, it follows fairly closely the phraseology 
of a legal instrument : — 

Hit witen and witnessen that woneth vppon eorthe, 
That I Fauuel, feffe Fals to that mayden Meede. 

Then follows a list of their holdings, the ^' erldam of envye," 
etc., " to habben and to holden and al heore heyres aftur," 
on condition that they yield their souls to Satan at the year's 
end. After the list of witnesses, " Wrong, Pers the par- 
doner," etc., the deed is sealed '' in the date of the deuel, 
be siht of sir Symoni and notaries signes." In the B- and 
C-texts, the Charter is introduced by the words Sciant pre- 
sentes et futuri, etc., also found in the Charter of Christ. 
The C-text drops the formula " to have and to hold," and 

^ These have been printed from time to time in Notes and Queries; 
see for example a grant of King Athelstan, 6^^ Ser. xii. 194. A corre- 
spondence concerning the age and authenticity of these documents 
extends through several numbers of the N. and Q., references for 
which may be obtained from the indices. 

Another rhymed Charter occurs in MS. Cott. Julius F. X., Art. 29, 
f. 154, beginning: 

Iche Sancti Edwardi Regis 

Have yeoven of my forest the keping, etc. 

* A-text II. 60-82; B-text ii. 74-113; C-text m. 79-115. 
" Printed by Horstmann, Richard Rolle i. 338 flf. 



XXXVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

both B- and C-texts spoil the simplicity and clearness of the 
A version of the deed by introducing amplifications, and by 
changing from the first person to the third.^ Aside from the 
parallelism in structure, the ^* Charter of Favel " shows 
no resemblance to either of the others. 

In the Charter of the Ahhey of the Holy Ghost, on the 
other hand, we find a closer parallel to the Charter of Christ. 
In the first place, the subject — God's ceding to man a " lytel 
preciouse place that is clepid Conscience " — is not unlike the 
grant of Heaven to man made by Christ in His Charter. 
Again, between the Charter of the Ahhey and the Short 
Charter are certain likenesses which, though they may be due 
to the employment in both of the phraseology of legal instru- 
ments, yet possibly indicate some connection between them. 
In both, the formulae of the legal deed are in Latin, followed 
by an English translation. One or two of these appear also 
in the Long Charter, but they do not occur consistently 
throughout. Again, the witnesses named in the Abbey Char- 
ter — " aungel and man, heuene and erthe, sone and mone and 
al the sterres " — ^suggest the list of phenomena cited as wit- 
nesses of the Deed in the Short Charter. Finally, the phrase 
" to the chef lord of the fee '' in the Abbey Charter finds a 
parallel in ^^ as to the chief lord of the fee " in the Short 
Charter, We need not, however, attach much significance 
to this point, since the phrase is evidently a translation of 
a Latin formula, such as is found, for example, in a charter 
of the fiftieth year of Henry III : hahenda et tenenda eidem 
Rogero et heredihus suis de capitalihus dominis feodi illius 
seu nohis vel aliis imperpetuum,'^ 

Should there be any connection between the Charter of 
the Ahhey and the Short Charter, it may fairly be assumed 
that the dependence was on the side of the former, even 

' B later introduces the first person at line 86. 

' Hubert Hall, A Formula Book of English Official Historical Docu- 
ments, Part I. (Cambridge 1908) 39. 



HISTOEY AND SOUECES XXXIX 

though we cannot prove the Short Charter to be earlier than 
the year 1400.8 

§ 2. Antiquity of the Chaetee of Cheist 

1. The Charter of Christ probably existed in Middle 
English verse as early as the first quarter of the fourteenth 
century. The oldest extant manuscript of the Long Charter 
— Eawl. poet. 175 — was written about 1350 ; but between the 
Eawlinson ms. and the archetype, as I shall undertake to 
show in Chapter Y, no less than three manuscripts inter- 
vened, so that the archetype may reasonably be assigned to 
the early decades of the century.^ To the fourteenth century 
belongs also the Latin metrical Carta Libera, as we are as- 

^Horstmann {Nachtrdge zu den Legenden Herrig's Archiv. lxxix. 
470) thought that a close relation existed between the Long Charter, 
Versions A and B (he calls it Testamentum Christi) and the Cursor 
Mundi Pt. II. (E. E. T. 8.) 978 flf. But the likeness here seems to me 
no greater than exists between the Charter and other poems on the 
Passion. He later (1895, Rich. Rolle. i. 71) suggests a Complaint in 
MS. Camb. Univ. Dd. 5. 64, beginning: " Vnkynde man, gif kepe til me 
and loke what payne I suffer for l?e," as furnishing the theme for the 
Long Charter in MS. Vernon. One line in this poem, " With hungyr, 
thirst, hete & calde," suggests line 48 of the Long Charter, " In hongur 
and l)urst, colde and wo " ; but the details in the Complaint find so many 
parallels in other pieces that it would hardly be safe to stress such a 
resemblance. Cf. for the source of the theme of this poem and others 
similar to it, note 12, pp. x f., and compare Thien's opinion, Ueher 
die Eng. MarienMagen 82. 

Forster (Herrig's Archiv ex. 358) suggests that the texts of the 
Short Charter in Ash. 61 and 189 may belong to the class known as 
" Himmelsbriefe." So far as I can see there appears to be no relation 
between the " Letters from Heaven " and the Charter of Christ. For 
these Letters, Forster refers to A. S. Napier, Contributions to Old Eng. 
Lit. I. {An Old English Homily on the Observance of Sunday), and K. 
Priebsch, John Audelay's Poem on the Observance of Sunday, both in 
the Fumivall Miscellany 355 ff. and 397 ff., as also to a number of 
other articles. 

'Moreover, linguistic tests show that final e was sounded when the 
A-text was composed. For detailed proof of this see Appendix I. 



Xi THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

sured by the date of the earlier of the two manuscripts in 
which it is preserved. The other extant versions of the 
Charter of Christ contribute no evidence that would point to 
an earlier origin for the type. ISTone of the manuscripts of 
the Short Charter is earlier than the fifteenth century. The 
fact that MS. A is copied from a gravestone bearing the date 
1400, makes it clear that this version was in existence before 
the close of the fourteenth century, but linguistic tests, so far 
as they go, suggest a date late in the century.^^ The Kerd 
Charter is written on the back of a legal conveyance dated 
1395, but we have no means of determining when the poem 
was added. Linguistic tests show, however, that at the time 
of its composition final e was not pronounced. ^^ Carta 
Domini is preserved in a manuscript of the fifteenth 
century. ^^ 

§ 3. The Origin of the Charter of Christ 

The idea of a charter, drawn up in imitation of a legal 
document, according to which the Saviour grants to mankind 
title to the Kingdom of Heaven, may possibly have arisen 
merely as a variation upon the theme of Christ's Last Will 

"Seepp. 92ff. The /ormitZop employed in this Charter afford but little 
assistance in determining the date of composition. According to H. 
Hall, Formula Book of Eng. Off. Hist. Documents, Pt. i. (Camb. 1908) 
25, the formula Habendum et tenendum came into use during the reign 
of John (1199-1216), and had disappeared by 1499. Habendum (with- 
out the last two words) is found in one MS. of the Short Charter 
( Sloane 3292 ) . The phrase. In cujus rei testimonium, which occurs in 
six Mss. of the Short Charter, was peculiar to the Letters Patent, a 
form which gradually superseded the regular Charter, but was not well 
established until the close of the minority of Henry III. (Henry de- 
clared his majority in 1227). See Formula Book 53. 

"Note the rhyme words: blod-god (pi. adj.), 27-28; god (pi. adj.) 
-stode (3rd sing.), 29-30; long (pi. adj.) -stong (3rd sing.), 31-32. 

" See p. xiii. As regards the Bedford ms. (see p. xvi) and the two 
texts described at pages xviii-xix, such data as we have is not sufficient 
to determine the time of composition in the case of any of them. 



HISTORY AND SOURCES xli 

and Testament, a literary type to which reference has 
already heen made.^ Christ's Last Will is occasionally men- 
tioned in mediaeval works, which describe the Lord as 
bequeathing upon the Cross various legacies to those He was 
leaving on earth. ^ Though quite distinct in the legal form 
upon which it is based, the Charter resembled the Will in 
being the Saviour's dying gift ; thus it will be noted that all 
the Deeds are dated on the day of the Crucifixion. 

Again, a suggestion for the Charter may be found in a 
passage in the Epistle to the Hebrews (ix: 16-18) : 

Et ideo novi testamenti mediator est; ut morte intercedente, 
in redemptionem earum prssvaricationiun, qua? erant sub priori 
testamento, repromissionem accipiant qui vocati sunt seterna? 
hereditatis. Ubi enim testamentum est: mors necesse est in- 
tercedat testatoris. Testamentum enim in mortuis confirma- 
tum est: alioquin nondum valet, dum vivit qui testatus est. 
Unde nee primum quidem sine sanguine dedicatum est. 

The Greek SiaOriKT], here rendered by testamentum^ com- 
bines the meaning of " covenant " and " testament " ^ so 
that the lines just quoted embody a two-fold figure: (1) the 
Last Will and Testament made by Christ on man's behaK; 
(2) the new Covenant instituted by Christ through His 

* Exemplified by Christ's Testament in Deguileville's Pdlerinage de la 
Vie Humaine; cf. p. viil. 

^ See, for example, St. Ambrose, Comment. Lib. x in Euang. Luc. 
Cap. XXIII: 

Sed ibi pro loco, hie & in cruce non immemor matris, appellat earn, 
dicens: ecce filius tuus. Et loanni: ecce mater tua. Testabatur de 
cruce Christus, & Testamentum eius signahat loannes; digmis tanto 
testatore testis. Bonum Testamentum non pecuniae; sed vitae: quod 
non atramento scribitur; sed Spiritu Dei vivi. 

See also Leg. Aur. (Nuremberg 1488) De Passione ihesu Christi 
fol. Ixvi''; and Abbatus Ernaldus Bonsevallis, in a discourse concerning 
the Seven Words of the Cross, Migne, Pat. Lat. clxxxix. Col. 1696, etc., 
etc. 

"See Thayer's remarks on this passage in his Qrh-Eng. Lexicon of 
the N. T. 



xlii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

death on the Cross, whereby man receives the promise of an 
eternal inheritance. 

The word " testamentum " was, of course, familiar to 
mediaeval readers in the sense of " covenant '' as w^ll as of 
" testament." The first interpretation, applied to the pas- 
sage in question, would represent Christ as the sacrificial 
victim slain, according to Hebrew custom, to confirm the 
covenant with mankind.^ The second interpretation 
would identify Christ as the testator who grants a charter 
to man as his dying bequest. But either interpretation may 
easily have served to suggest the representation of Christ's 
grant to mankind under the form of a legal deed or charter. 

From this figure of the Eedemption as a legal deed — 
tracing its ultimate source very possibly to these sentences 
in the Epistle to the Hebrews — ^the several extant versions of 
the Charter of Christ presumably derive. But before pro- 
ceeding to define more closely the nature of the prototype, or 
to consider the textual relations of the various extant 
versions, it will be necessary to note the occurrence, in two 
of them, of a figure which is directly related to the question 
of origins. 

§ 4. TfiE Metaphor of the Crucified Body as 
THE Charter 

In the Long Charter and Kent Charter ^ but in no other ver- 
sions, an extended metaphor ^ identifies the Deed with the cru- 

*Dr. Richard G. Moulton, commenting on the passage in Hebrews, 
explains it by reference to the Hebrew animal-sacrifices, " which were 
the formal sign of a covenant between parties, the Stroke of Death 
being the irrevocable seal set on an agreement from which there can 
be no departing" (see the Modern Reader's Bible, 1907, notes on 
this passage ) . Cf . also, in this connection, notes and text of the 
Bible Containing the Marginal Readings adopted by General Con- 
vention (Thomas Nelson & Sons, New York, 1903), a reference kindly 
pointed out to me by my father, the Rev. Charles N. Spalding, D. D. 

^The term allegory seems hardly applicable, as the figure is not 
developed through narrative but by explanation. 



HISTORY AND SOURCES 



xliii 



cified Body of Christ. In the Long Charter the Deed is writ- 
ten upon the parchment of the Lord's skin with pens which 
are the scourges used by the Jews. The letters are His 
wounds, the sealing-wax His blood, etc. The Indenture, or 
copy left with man, is the Sacrificial Body of the Lord in 
the Eucharist. The same figure is expressed also in the 
Kent Charter: 

I Jhesus of Nazaren ... 

Have grantyd, 3ovyn and confermyd is ^ 

Thourch my Charte that the men se 

My body that heng on the tie, 

A mes housyd fayir and fre 

It is hevene blysse I telle the . . . etc. 

Other versions of the Charter, it is true, also have some 
features which at first sight suggest that the metaphor, 
though not explicit, was yet implied: in the Carta Libera 
and the Carta Domini the document is said to be written in 
the Lord's blood, while in the Short Charter the wound in 
His side is the seal. Since similar points form a part of the 
metaphor in the Long Charter and Kent Charter, where 
Christ's blood is either sealing-wax or seal, it would be nat- 
ural to suppose that the occurrence of such features in the 
other Charters implied the same metaphor. 

This supposition, however, can hardly be justified. In the 
first place, the expressions proprio sanguine conscripsi, hec 
— sanguine scripta, and ^^the wounde in my syde [or 
" herte "] the sele it is," of the Carta Domini, Carta Libera 
and the Short Charter respectively, may be otherwise ex- 
plained. They may have reference to the shedding of blood 
necessary to the ratification of the covenant discussed in 
Section 3, the terms conscripsi, scripta, and '^ sele " being 
attributable to the fact that in our texts, the covenant is 
expressed under the fig\ire of a written charter. Again, had 

'Probably an error for ]>is. 



Xliv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

the metaphor of Christ's Body been in the minds of the sev- 
eral authors of these three Charters, it would indeed have 
been strange that they should not have expressed it definitely. 
The idea is appropriate and too suggestive for them to have 
neglected it, especially in the case of the author of the Carta 
Libera, who introduces much detail regarding the sufferings 
of our Lord at the Crucifixion. Moreover, in the Carta 
Libera, the words hec mors, homo, fit tua carta are better 
explicable as referring to the ratification of a covenant than 
as intending to suggest the metaphor in question. 

Accordingly, this metaphor, in my opinion, was not present 
in the Charter of Christ, as it was originally conceived, but 
was introduced later as an adornment. It may possibly 
have grown out of the phrase in the Carta Libera already 
mentioned: liec mors, homo, fit tua carta, or from hec . . . 
sanguine scripta^'^ or from a reference to the wound in 
Christ's side as a seal in some early text of the Short 
Charter, etc.^ 

On the other hand, the figure may go back to a Scriptural 
source. In the Epistle to the Colossians (ii: 13-14) St. 
Paul speaks of a bond or writ as being nailed to the Cross: 

Et vos cum mortui essetis in delictis, et prseputio carnis vestrse, 
conVivificavit cum illo, donans vobis omnia delicta : delens quod 
adversus nos erat chirographum decreti, quod erat contrarium 
nobis, et ipsum tulit de medio, affigens illud cruci: .... 

Though the bond here mentioned is not, of course, the 
same as that with which we are concerned, yet it is a legal 
document nailed to the Cross by Christ in effecting man's 
redemption from sin. That the Middle Ages played upon 

^ Also in Carta Libera. 
. ^The fact that the Long Charter is an early text (see p. xxxix) 
and that our only text of Carta Domini, for example, occurs in a 15th 
cent. MS., does not affect the argument here; for there may have been 
very early texts both of Carta Domini and of the other versions in 
which the metaphor is not found. 



HISTORY AND SOURCES xlv 

this idea ic shown in the following passages from the Legenda 
Aurea :^ 

Huiusmodi autem debitmn apostolus vocat cirographum quod 
quidem christus tulit & cruci affixit. De quo dirographo dicit 
Augustinus. Eua peccatum a diabolo mutuavit. cirographum 
scripsit. fideiussorem dedit. & vsura posteritati. creuit. Tunc 
enim a diabolo peccatum mutuauit. quando contra preceptum 
dei sue praui iussiowi vel suggestioni consensit. cirographum 
scripsit. quando manum ad pomum vetitum porrexit. fide- 
iussionem dedit. quando Adam peccatort^w sentire fecit. & sic 
vsura peccati posteritati creuit. 

The same figure is used by Ludolphus de Saxonia, in his 
Vita Jesu Christi/^ as follows : 

Quia emm i^rivnus homo ad lignum preuaricationis manus 
extendendo & pedibw5 accede/ido cyrographum damnationis 
nos^re diabolo confecerat : ideo saluator nosier : vt cyrographum 
illud deleret manibifs et pedibws ligno salutifere crucis affigi vo- 
luit clauis inuictissime charitatis delens per hac cyrographum 
decreti quod erat coTitrarium nobis : et ipswm tulit de medio 
affigens illud cruci .... Jesu qui durissimis clauis cruci affigi 
voluisti : ac per hoc cyrographum peccatorum nostrorum & mor- 
tis eidem cruci affixisti. Confige quaeso timore tuo carnes 
meas .... etc. 

From this it would be but a step to connect the chiro- 
graphiim with the Body of the Saviour and incorporate the 
metaphor into the Charter of Christ, a document already 
purporting to deed to man the inheritance of Heaven. ^^ 

® De passione ihesu Christi, ed. Nuremberg 1488, fol. Ixix. col. 1. 

" Secunda Pars Cap. lxiii., ed. Lyons 1530, fol. ecclxiil. 

"In this connection, it should be noted that in the Short Charter 
MS. A, the following six lines standing at the beginning just before 
the Soiant presentes et futuri (which is supposedly the beginning of 
the Charter) speak of a writ of man's debt cancelled by Christ: 

Jhesus Christ his Charter Great 
That bloud and water so did sweat 



xlvi THE MIDDLE EA'GLISH CIIABTEES OF CHRIST 

Thougli the Pauline text be recognized as furnishing ths 
original suggestion for the figure, it was not necessarily the 
source upon which these Charters directly depended, for the 
same metaphorical representation of the Body of Christ, in 
both simple and elaborated forms, occurs in various treatises 
at least as early as the fourteenth century and very possibly 
even earlier. N'otwithstanding variations of detail such as 
might be expected in the development of the Pauline figure 
— for example, the document is sometimes represented as a 
book or a bill of pardon as well as a charter — yet the parch- 
ment is always Christ's Body. Perhaps the simplest expres- 
sion of the figure is to be found in the two following cita- 
tions, wherein, it will be noted, no actual document is 
mentioned : 

oure blessed fadir of heuene spared not his owen sone but 
suffrede hym to be streyned on the harde cros, moore dispitously 
& greuously fan euer was schepys skyn streyned on the wal or 
vp-on fe parchemyn-makeris harowe a^ens ]?e sonne to drye.^^ 

And had his heart I-wounded sore 

To save mankind forever more 

Christ hath cancelled the writ of man's debt 

And by the great Charter him free hath set. 

This allusion to a writ would have led me to include the above 
passage from Colossians among the possible sources of the Charter, 
discussed in the preceding section, except that it is not probable that 
these lines formed a part of the original text of the Short Charter. 
They do not occur in ms, E, of the early 15th cent., nor in any other 
MS. except that the last two are found in ms. B, of the late 16th cent. 
Metrically, these lines appear to be of late origin. Moreover, the 
metre in the last two differs from that of the Charter itself. So that, 
although MS. Sloane 3292 (-ms. A) purports to contain a version copied 
from a gravestone in 1400, and hence probably represents a fairly 
parly text of the Short Charter, yet as the ms. itself belongs to the 
16th cent., these introductory lines may well have been added, or rather, 
prefixed, to the Charter when the ms. was written. 

"A meditacion of \>e fyue woundes of Ihesu Crist, printed by Horst- 
mann, Richard Rolle ir. 440, from Univ. Coll. Oxford ms. 97, of the 
end of the 14th century. The Meditacion has been wrongly attributed 



HISTOEY A^B SOUECES xlvii 

And whene he [Christ] was thus sprede o-brode one }?e crosse 
more straite ]?an any parchemyne-skyne es sprede one ]?e harowe, 
so pat niene myghte tell all ]?e blyssede bones of his body/^ 

With the exception of these two^, all the examples I have 
noted speak of a document, or book. In An ABC Poem on 
the Passion of Christy one finds in the introductory stanzas 
a comparison between Christ ^s Body on the Cross and the 
horn book, or ABC, from which children learned to read : ^^ 

1 In place as man may se, 

Quan a chyld to scole xal set be, 
3 A bok hym is browt, 

Naylyd on a brede of tre, 

J?at JD.en callyt an abece, 
6 Pratylych I-wrout. 

Wrout is on ]?e bok wi^h-oute, 
.V. piiraffys ^^ grete & stoute 
9 Bolyd in rose red; 

]>at is set wiih-oiityn doute. 



to Richard Rolle. It also occurs in MS. Simeon (Brit. Mus. MS. Add. 
22283) at fol. 61^ which was transcribed about 1380-1400; see Horst- 
mann, op. cit. 436, and the Cat. of Add. mss. in the Brit. Mus. 

^^ Bonaventura de mysteriis passionis lesu Christi, or The Privity of 
the Passion, meditation for midday; printed by Horstmann, Richard 
Rolle I. 206, from MS. Thornton (c. 1430-40). This is an anonymous 
work, a " free and abridged translation " of the Meditationes Vitce 
Christi, Cap. 74-92, formerly ascribed to Bonaventura. The Latin 
treatise does not contain the figure of the parchment, which is thus 
an addition by the author of the so-called translation. 

"Ms. Harl. 3954, which is dated by Furnivall about 1420. The poem 
itself may be somewhat earlier. It has been printed in the Reliq. 
Antiq., and in Pol. Rel. and Love Poems (ed. Furnivall E. E. T. 8.) 271. 

15 « paraphe : The flourish, or peculiar knot, or mark set unto, or 
after, or instead of, a name in the signing of a Deed, or Letter; and 
generally, any such graceful setting out of a man's hand, or name in 
writing; also a subsignature, or signing under," — Cotgrave. Cf. also 
Sainte Palaye, Diet. hist, de Vane, langage fr. The word also means 
" paragraph." 



Xlviii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

[No gap in the ms.] 
12 In tokenyng of cristis ded. 

Eed letter in parchemyn 

Makyth a chyld good & fyn 
15 Lettrys to loke & se. 

Be fis bok men may dyuyne 

pat cristis body was ful of pyne 
18 fat deyid on rode tre. 

On tre he was don ful blythe 

With grete paraffys, pat be wondt^ .V. 
21 As ^e mon vnder-stonde. 

Loke in hys body, mayde & wyfe, 

Qwon hee gun naylys dryue 
24 In fot & in honde. 

Hond & font per was ful woo, 

And per were lettrys many moo 
27 With-in & with-oute, 

With rede wondts & strokts bio 

He was dryue fro top to pe too, 
30 Hys fayre body aboute. 

About ]?is, a pece I wyl spede, 

J?at I myth J?is lettrys rede 
33 With-outjn ony dystaunce; 

But god J?at let hys body sprede 

Vp-on pe rode for manys nede, 
36 In heuene vs alle avaunee! 

Another very similar example of this figure is found in the 
Disputacion between Mary and the Cross,^^ in the Yernon 
MS. (c. 1370-80) : 

"Le^. of the Holy Rood (ed. Morris E. E. T. S. Orig. Ser. 46) 
137-8, and Minor Poems of the Vernon MS. ii. (ed. Furnivall E. E. T. 8. 
Orig. Ser. 117) 617-618. 



HISTORY AND SOURCES 



xlix 



Numbers in Numbers in 

Moriis ed, Furnivall ed. 

187 For pardoun schewe]? • be a shrine, 179 

Wi)) nayl • and brede * on bord is smite, 

Rede lettres • write be lyne, 

Bluwe • Blake • a-mong men pite : 

Vr lord I * likne * to )?is signe. 

His bodi * vppon a bord ■ was bite, 

In Briht blod * his bodi gan schyne ; 185 

Hou wo him was • may no mon wite, 

Red vp-on ]?e Roode ; 

Vr pardoun brede ; from top too to, 

Writen hit was ' wi}> wonder wo, 

WijJ Rede wou?ides • and strokes bio, 190 

199 Vre Book • was bounden in bloode. 



204 His Bodi was Book • ]>e Cros was brede, 196 
Whon crist for vs • fer-on was cleynt : 
No mon gat pardoun • m]> no bede, 
Weor he neuere • so sely a seynt. 
Til book on bord • was sprad ; 200 

Wij> sharpe nayles * dunted and driue. 
Til feet * and hondes * al-to riue ; 
His herte blod • vre book haj» 3iue, 

212 To make • vr gostes glad : etc." 

Finally, the metaphor in elaborated form is to be found in 
the Carta Celestis Hereditatis^ one of a series of fourteenth 
century tracts of uncertain authorship entitled collectively 
The Poor Caitijf. The parts of this text which concern 

"Another mention of the Pardon Charter is found in Chaucer's 
ABC Poem: 

He vouched sauf, tel him, as was his wille, 

Bicome a man, to have our alliaunce, 

And with his precious blood he wroot the bille, 

Up-on the crois, as general acquitaunce, 

To every penitent in ful creaunce; .... 

This allusion does not occur in his source. 



1 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Christ's grant of Heaven to man are printed in Appendix 
II. of the present study. An examination of the Carta will 
show that it not only contains the features of the figure 
which appear in the Disputacion, etc., but adds also the fol- 
lowing (1) the wounds numbered 5475; (2) the pens that 
wrote the Charter were the nails, spear, and thorns of the 
crucifixion; (3) the print of the seal was the shape of our 
Lord upon the Cross ; (4) the sentence of the Charter is our 
belief, and (5) the laces of the Charter are forgiveness of 
sin and trust in God.^^ 

It will be observed that certain of these pieces present 
striking points of resemblance with the Charters. One of 
these consists in the identification of Christ's wounds with 
letters, with which compare the following lines of the Long 
Charter: 

How many lettres thereon ben 

Eed and ]>ou may wite and sen 

ffif fousand foure hundred fyfti and ten 

Woundes on me boJ?e red and wen. 

There is also an interesting parallel between the Carta 
Celestis Hereditatis, and the Long Charter in that both 
mention pens and a specific number of wounds. The pens 
in the Carta however, are nails, spear, and thorns, while 
those in the Long Charter are scourges. The number of 
the wounds in one is 5475 and in the other 5460 ; but this 
is not as significant as at first appears, for these numbers, 

"Two other (15th cent.) references are as follows: 

1) His herte blod wrot oure hele, 
And Ihesus body J?e parchemyn is; 
WiJ? trewe loue he prented oure sele, 
pat is heritage of oure blis. 

J. Kail, Twenty-six Pol. and Other Poems 
Pt. I. {E. E. T. S. Orig. Ser. 124) 78. 

2) The passage from the Digby passion play, already quoted 
in another connection at p. x, note 10. 



HISTORY AND SOURCES 



li 



or others almost equally large, are also features in other 
mediaeval descriptions of the wounded Body of Christ. ^^ 

Consequently, it is entirely possible that the Long Charter 
and Kent Charter may have drawn the metaphor of Christ's 
Body from one or more of these or similar pieces. On the 
other hand, the reverse might have been the case. As to this 
one can hardly attempt to decide; the dates of the several 
texts furnish no clue as they are all of the fourteenth century. 

§ 5. A Comparison of the Deed of Gift in the 
Five Charters 

Of the five texts of tho Charter of Christ, three consist of 
the Deed of Gift alone. ^ The other two — Carta Domini and 
the Long Charter — contain also additional matter enlarging 
upon themes suggested by the grant, although it is difficult, 
particularly in the case of the Long Charter, to decide just 
how much of the poem the author intended to include within 
the instrument itself.^ Since the points of resemblance 
between the Charters are confined to the Deed itself, we may 
exclude for the present the discussion of this additional 
material (except such portions as may serve to explain 
details in the instrument proper) and may proceed to com- 
pare the several Charters with respect to the forms of the 
Deed contained in them. 



" See, for example, the 4600 wounds mentioned in the Lamentatio 
Sancte Marie (ed. Frolich, Leipzig 1902) 71. v. 197. 

* The term " Deed " is used here and elsewhere to designate the 
instrument itself, whereas "Charter" sometimes refers to the Deed 
and sometimes to the piece containing it. 

^ As illustration, observe the occurrence of the words " Consummatum 
est, this charter is done," v. 187 (A-text), long after the Deed itself 
(w. 99-134) is presumably at an end. Again, at line 155 the Jews 
are mentioned as witnesses of the Crowning of Christ with thorns; 
later on, at line 169, the formula " Hijs Testihus Matthew and John, 
Luke," etc., is introduced, but seems to refer not to the witnessing of 
the Deed, but to the witnessing of the offer of drink to the Lord. 



lii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

At the outset one perceives that Carta Domini, the only 
Latin prose Charter, possesses marked characteristics which 
distinguish it from all the others. In tone it is learned and 
ecclesiastical,^ showing a fondness for abstract terms as con- 
trasted with the concrete style of the rest. For example, 
Carta Domini differs from all the others in not citing as 
witnesses of the Deed concrete incidents of the crucifixion 
or the names of persons who were present — as John, the 
Blessed Virgin, or the Evangelists — but reads: Sigillum 
que mee diulnitatis apposui cum testimonio patris et 
spiritus. Nam hij tres testimonia dant in celo — an evi- 
dent adaptation of i John v:7: Quoniam tres sunt, qui testi- 
monium dant in coelo: Pater, Verhum, et Spiritu^ Sanctus, 
In view of the divergent character of Carta Domini it hardly 
seems necessary to include it among the other four texts in 
the tabular comparison which follows, though its omission is 
not intended to imply that it differs from them in the essen- 
tial features of the Deed. 

Coming now to examine the details of the Deed as it 
appears in the other four texts of the Charter, we may best 
indicate their mutual relations by arranging in parallel col- 
umns the features which they have in common.^ 

' This Charter gives most evidence of having been written by a 
theologian. It will be remembered that it occurs in a book of sermons; 
see p. xiii. 

*In this table brackets indicate that the matter enclosed has been 
transferred from the order of its occurrence in the Charter. 



HISTOEY AND SOURCES 



liii 



Carta Libera 


Short Charter 


Kent Charter 


Long Charter 




Writ of man's debt 
cancelled, and man 
set free (only in 
Mss. A and B). 






1. Sciant presentes at- 


Sciant ( and nou- 




Sciant presentes d 


que futuri quod 


verint ) 




futuri wite ye pat 




Wot ye now all 


Knowyn all men 


are and shal be- 




that 


. . . that are & 
schulen ben, that 


tyde that 


uir ego ihesus beth- 


I suffered death 




I (born in Bethle- 


lem . . . natus, leru- 


for love of you. 




hem . . .) made a 


salem lesus, eruci- 


upon the cross. 




seizin, when I was 


fixus, ludificatus 


while I was man 




born, to thee, man, 




on earth alive 




with my Father's 
will and love. I 
confirm it with my 
present charter. 


2. Dando concessi eunc- 


Dedi et concessi 






tis . . . Regnum ce- 


I have made a 


I have granted 


I have granted 


leste, si semper ui- 


grant — heaven's 


Heaven bliss, con- 


(thee) to live 


uant honeste 


bliss — to all re- 


firmed through my 


with me in Realm 




pentant. 


charter (my body 


of Heaven's bliss. 






housed fair & free 


[My skin was the 






in the mass). 


parchment on 
which the Deed 
was written]. 


[In caluarie summo 




Between East and 


[The Charter was 


sunt hec data, etc. 




West, North and 


sealed on Calvary 


See 8, below]. 




South, it is well 


between 2 thieves. 






known to those 


that East and 






dwelling here. 


West, on high hill, 
I may judge both 
good and ill. Quia 
neque ah oriente, 
neque ah occi- 
dente.l 



liv 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



1 
Carta Libera 


Short Charteb 


Kent Charter 


Long Charteb 


3. 


Habendum 


To havyn and 


To have am,d to 






heldyn 


holden 




as long as I am 


that sweet place. 


without miss — free 




Heaven's King. 


heritable and in 


— ^with all the 






fee. 


appurtenances. 


4. Nee quicquam cupio 








reddi nisi cordis amo- 


Redendo 


For the service of 


I ask no more but 


rem . . . pro feodo cor 


True love to God. 


the chief lord of 


that thou be kind 


redde tuum mihi gra- 


Charity to one's 


the fee, to keep 


& remember my 


tiiTTi. Taliter ecce mo- 


neighbor. 


from sin. 


love deeds; 


do tibi trado meum 


"Keep I no more 




that thou pay aa 


laceratum (heart). 


for all my smart 




rent the four- 


Inspice, deuote, os- 


but true Love, man, 




leaved grass of 


tendo pro te que 


of thy heart, and 




shrift, repentance, 


quanta' sunt mea pe- 


that thou be in 




abandoning of sin. 


na. Hie sunt trans- 


charity," etc. 




fear of God; which 


fossa caro, uene, etc. 






four = a True-Love 


[nee ab inde recessi 






. . . [Do not de- 


{i. e, from my Deed) 






lay this rent. You 


. . . Aut si quando 






may find it 


... f aciant . . . gra- 






through the year. 


uamen, non ita dele- 






I will not forsake 


bor; si peniteant mi- 






my deed, and if 


serebor]. 






you fail, you shall 
have mercy.] 


5. Omnia sunt nuda . . . 


Warrantizatio 


In Warrantyze 




probra, sputa, flagella 


If my deed — i. e., 


I, Jesus, & my 




que plura, crux, claui, 


saving man — is dis- 


heirs bind our- 




spine . . . lancea, pas- 


puted, I would do 


selves to Christian 




sio dura. Et sique 


it again. 


men forever. 




paeior uideantur non 








satis arta, post hec 








en morior, hee mors, 








homo, fit tua carta. 








Nemo potest iure pri- 








uare quin ista tene- 








bunt, en quot secure 








warcmtizwre ualebunt. 









HISTORY AND SOURCES 



Carta Libera 


Short Charter 


Kent Charter 


Long Charter 


6. Testibus Mis factis 
tenebris . . . velo . . . 
pet r is . . .terremotu 
. . . testante Johan- 
neque matre, ac aliis 
multis cum sacro 
neupmate patre. 


Hijs Testibus 
The day darkening 
The Sun withdraw- 
ing light 
The earth quaking 
The stones break- 
ing 
The vail rending 
Men rising from 

the dead 
The Virgin mother 
The Apostle St. 

John 
Others many that 
were there. 


These am the wyt- 

nesses trewe and 

god 

garland of thorns 

scourges 

nails 

spear 

stoppe of eysil & 

gall 

Tha cry "Eli-Eli!" 

my bloody tears 

my bonds 

my pains 

other things 


(The crowning 
with thorns) wit- 
nessed by the 
"Jewes alle," who 
said "Hail be 
thou," etc. 
(The giving of 
the eysil and gall) 
Hijs Testibus 
Matthew and John, 
Luke, Mark and 
many a one, and 
especially my "Mo- 
der Swete." 


7. In cuius rei testimo- 
nium requiei vt stet 
tranquillum propri- 
um cor pono sigillum. 
. . . sunt hec . . . san- 
guine scripta. 
[The following occurs 
only in the 15th cent, 
text: sanguine tamen 
puro cartam, frater, 
tibi scripsi, et pro se- 
curo proprium cor 
penditur ipsi, amen]. 


In cuius rei testi- 
monium, I hang 
my own seal, & 
for more surety 
the wound in my 

Cor charte appen- 
sum rosei vice cer- 
ne sigilli, etc. (on- 
ly in late mss. B, 
C, D) 


In wytnesse of 
thys thing 
my side was 
opened for seal- 
ing, «& I have set 
the seal of my 
heart's blood. 

■ 


The ink for the 
Charter was the 
blood from the 
crown of thorns. 
[The five seals 
were wrought of 
steel and iron. 
They are— Father 
and Son, God and 
man, the Concep- 
tion by the Holy 
Ghost.] 

Sealing wax = 
blood sought at 
Christ's heart. 


8. In caluarie summo 
sunt hec data gratis 
. . . die quo iam mo- 
rior valeatis. 


■ 

Datum apud Hier- 

usalem at Calvary, 

the first day of 

the great mercy. 


Given and granted 
on Calvary, on that 
hill, Friday be- 
fore the Passover 
in yr. of my reign 
30 winter & 30 
half year. 


[ Consummatum 
est this Charter is 
done.] 

[Date implied 
would be Good 
Friday, etc.] 


9. 


Legend on strap of 
seal — factum est 
cor meum tanquam 
cera Uqueslcensi 
Psal. 22 (13?). 
(Only in mss. C 
and D). 




The sealing wax 
was sought at my 
heart's root; Fac- 
tum est cor meum 
ta/nquam cera U- 
quescens in medio 
ventris mei. 



Ivi THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

An examination of this table, and of the text of Carta 
Domini, shows that all the Deeds have in common : 

(a) the legal form of a charter (including formulce 
clauses, such as Reddendo , Hija Testihus, etc.), which 
is followed, however, in greater or less detail ; 

(b) the grant of Heaven to man (in Carta Domini, 
the grant is not expressed as such, but is clearly implied 
by the whole context of the Charter ; 

(c) the day of the crucifixion as the date of sealing 
or bestowal of the Deed. 

It is probable, therefore, that these features belonged to 
the prototype of the extant texts. 

It will be observed further, that Carta Libera, the 
Long Charier, and the Short Charter, besides particular 
resemblances of one with another, all contain in the Red- 
dendo clause, the requirement of love or '' true love " to 
God. Accordingly it will be well to note in detail the special 
relationship of these texts to one another. 

First, however, it should be said that Carta Libera, though 
containing numerous popular features which ally it more 
closely with the other Deeds, yet is the only text clearly show- 
ing points of agreement with Carta Domini, exclusive of 
those already mentioned as belonging to all the Deeds. These 
points are: (a) the occurrence, at the end of its long list of 
witnesses, of the words cwm sacro neupmate patre,^ which 
seem to mean that the Father and the Spirit were also wit- 
nesses to the Deed ; (b) the statement that the Deed was writ- 
ten in Christ's blood. ^ Thus Carta Libera may perhaps re- 
present a state of transition from one type of Charter to 

^ The sense seems to require a connective between neupmate and 
patre though the metre forbids. Note a similar omission of connectiveg 
in line 19. 

® In the Long Charter, however, the ink was the blood which flowed 
from the wounds made by the crown of thorns. 



HISTORY AND SOURCES Ivii 

anotlier. Its closest resemblance, however, is to the Short 
Charter, with which it has in common several points not to 
be found in the other Deeds : 

(a) the phenomena of darkness, earthquake, etc., 
the Virgin Mary and St. John, as witnesses ; 

(b) Christ's own heart attached to the Deed for more 
security ; 

(c) Likenesses between the expression et sique 
patior videantur non satis arta^ post hec en morior, oi 
Carta Lib era j and the following lines of the Short 
Charter: 

If anyone should say now 
That I have not died for man's prow, 
Eather than man should be forlorn, 
Yet would I eft be all to torn. 

These resemblances might seem sufficiently striking to 
suggest that the Short Charter was translated directly from 
Carta Libera,'^ with such omissions as the author saw fit to 
make; but to this theory there are two objections. One is 
that the Short Charter, by connecting the wound in Christ's 
side or heart with the seal, resembles the Long Charter and 
Kent Charter; and the other is that we should hardly expect 
so brief and concise a text as the Short Charter to derive 
from a source as detailed and complex in portions as Carta 
Libera. On the whole, therefore, I am inclined to regard 
the Short Charter as originating from an older and simpler 
Deed — either the text from which Carta Libera itself 
derived, or another farther back in the line of its descent. 

Let us next .examine the Long Charter. This version 
appears at first sight to be most closely related to Kent 
Charter by virtue of the fact that these two alone contain 

'A reversal of this relationship, though possible, is too improbable 
to be seriously considered. 



Iviii THE MIDDLE EISTGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

the metaphor identifying the Saviour's Crnciiied Body with 
the Deed. This resemblance, however, must be regarded 
with caution. This figure, as has already been shown,® was 
common in the literature of the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- 
turies ; it may, therefore, have been introduced independently 
into each charter from one of these extraneous sources. Two 
other resemblances of the Long Charter with Kent Charter 
are: 

(a) the mention (in 2) of East and West — a slight 
and probably wholly accidental parallelism.^ The con- 
text does not justify our assuming relationship from 
this likeness. 

(b) the seal of one and sealing wax of the other iden- 
tified with Christ's blood flowing from the wound in 
His heart or side. 

It is possible that this last feature, joined to the common 
possession of the metaphor, may indicate that the Long 
Charter and Kent Charter were specially related. But on 
the other hand, the Short Charter also connected the wound 
in Christ's side with the seal, and it bears no other likeness 
to Kent Charter. But this resemblance in the three versions 
may, it seems to me, be accounted for most naturally by sup- 
posing either cross influence, or influence from some outside 
allusion such as those mentioned in Section 4. Early in the 
fourteenth century we find such expressions as the following, 
in a poem of Phillipps ms. 8336 (fol. 204') ^^ by William 
Herebert, a Franciscan who flourished about 1330: 



' See pp. xlvi ff. 

'The Long Charter here evidently intends a reference to Psal. 
T^xxiv. 7: Quia neque ah oriente, neque ah occidente, neque a desertis 
montihus. 

"Ed. Thos. Wright, Reliq. Antiq. ii. 227. Cf. note on Herebert, 
Ihid. I. 86 ff. 



HISTOBY A-NB SOURCES lix 

IV 

Soethye he my robe tok 

Also ich finde in bok, 
He ys to me y-bounde; 
And helpe he wole, ich wot, 
Vor love the chartre wrot, 

And the enke orn of his wonnde. 

and it is likely that the feature of the seal varied in its 
details in other works also. 

The Long Charter also resembles Carta Libera and the 
Short Charter ^^ in recording as witnesses the Virgin and St. 
John, but adds also the other three Evangelists while lacking 
the phenomena of darkness, earthquake, etc., which appear 
in both the other texts. It has, beside, two features in com- 
mon with Carta Libera alone : 

(a) Christ's promise of mercy to the repentant; 

(b) the description of the place of crucifixion by the 
adjective " high." 

Moreover, in addition to these points of resemblance, there 
is further evidence that this Deed traces its descent from 
some text related to Carta Libera,^^ and that is the treatment 

" In Mss. C and D of the Short Charter, there are two additional 
points of resemblance with the Long Charter: the legend factum est 
cor meum tanquam cera liquescens in medio ventris mei, and the four 
Evangelists — named, however, at the end of the document as Notarii 
Puhlici, and not as witnesses, such as they appear to be in the Long 
Charter. However, as these features do not occur in the earlier mss. 
of the Short Charter, they are not of much significance in determining 
its relation to the Long Charter. 

Moreover, by its addition of kindness to the rent of love to God 
in the Reddendo clause, the Long Charter might be regarded as re- 
sembling the Short Charter. Since, however, the Short Charter 
expresses this idea as loving "thy neighbor as I do thee," the likeness 
between the two Deeds does not appear to be very striking, and is more 
simply explained as coincidence. Love to God and to one's neighbor 
would naturally be associated in the mind of any Christian writer. 

"I do not here include Carta Domini; because, though it, too, as 



Ix THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

it accords to the matter of the sealing. It contains not one 
seal but five, the nails and spear of the crucifixion, to wit, 
Father and Son, God and Man, and the Conception by the 
Holy Ghost. This, however, is not very clear, and I 
suspect that we have here an indication that the author of 
the Long Charter was adapting the Trinity, in an earlier 
version, to suit his metaphor of Christ's Body and the Deed. 
For both Carta Domini and Carta Libera contain, in this 
connection, references to the Trinity. In Carta Domini we 
seem to have something near the primary form : Sigillumque 
me divinitatis apposui cum testimonio patris et spiritus. 
Nam Mi ires testimonia dant in celo, etc. In Carta Libera, 
the corresponding passage runs : pono sigillum, and then, after 
enumerating other witnesses, aliis multis cum sacro neupmate 
patre. If now we assume that the words " God and man,'' 
in the Long Charier, are in apposition with " Son," we shall 
have, not i^ve seals (representing the nails in the metaphor) 
but three: the Father, the Son, and the Conception by the 
Holy Ghost, corresponding apparently to the Persons of the 
Trinity, mentioned as seal and witnesses in the other two 
texts. 

One other point remains to be noted in connection with 
Kent Charter. This text corresponds in some of its witnesses 
with the list of Christ's sufferings in the Warranty clause of 
Carta Libera. This again, it appears to me, must be an 
instance of outside or cross influence. Kent Charter is too 
unlike any of the other Deeds for us to be able to assert near 
relationship with them unless we accept its points of resem- 
blance with the Long Charter as proof of such relation. 
Another stanza of Herebert's poem quoted above, will illus- 
trate the difficulty of attempting to define exact relationships 
among these texts : 



well as Carta Libera, is concerned with the following discussion, it 
has no other points of resemblance with the Long Charter. 



HISTORY AND SOURCES Ixi 



Ich take to wytnessinge 
The spere and the crounynge, 

The nailes and the rode, 
That he that ys so cunde, 
Thys ever haveth in mnnde 

That bonhte ous wyth hys blode. 

Here a number of the so-called witnesses are identical with 
those mentioned both in Kent Charter and in the Warranty 
clause of Carta Libera, and it is impossible to say which list 
gave rise to the others, or whether there is not also a fourth 
to which these may later be traced. In general, we may- 
regard Kent Charter as a fairly late text,^^ hence as particu- 
larly likely to contain material from various sources rather 
than from one version alone. 

In conclusion, it may be said that the foregoing attempt 
at defining relationships among the Charters is by no means 
intended to be regarded as establishing facts, but merely as 
indicating probabilities. The evidence is too meagre, and 
the possibilities of outside elements contributing to the fea- 
tures of any Charter is too great a factor, to admit of cer- 
tainty in the results attained. 



§ 6. The Additional Material in^ Carta Domini and 
THE Lo7ig Charter. 

Besides the Deed itself, as has previously been stated. 
Carta Domini and the Long Charter contain additional 
material developing themes suggested by the instrument. 
In these additions, however, neither text resembles the other 
even remotely. This portion of Carta Domini consists of a 
didactic discourse,^ for which I know of no source. But for 

^^Cf. p. xl. 
* See p. xiii. 



Ixii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

the additional passages in the Long Charter , which are narra- 
tive and descriptive in nature, it is evident that the author 
drew upon the stock material of his time. From the Com- 
plaints of Christ he may have borrowed details of the cruci- 
fixion scene, though these may quite as well have come from 
the numerous Passion poems, homilies, etc., of the period. It 
is impossible to trace the sources of this material, for it was 
the common fund of the age. One often finds details of this 
theme expressed in the same words by men who probably 
never saw each other ^s work. Such an expression as : " From 
His foot unto His head. He was nought else but all blood- 
red," for example, was picked up and handed about from 
one work to another, until it might almost be said to form 
part of the mediaeval vocabulary, where Christ was the sub- 
ject. The ^YQ wounds, the ^lyq red roses, Christ ^s coat- 
armour, etc., are subjects that received treatment at many 
different hands. The figure of the Indenture^ however, as 
the Sacramental Body of Christ, I have been able to find 
nowhere except in the Long Charter. It may be that this 
conception belongs to the author of the A-text. 

The expansion of the theme which one finds in the B- and 
C- texts consists likewise of material which was common to 
the religious literature of the time, though it is, for the 
most part, more didactic in character than that of the A-text. 
Examples are, the seven sacraments, the grief of the Virgin, 
Christ's admonition to man, etc. In one or two cases we can 
trace the source, as where the C-text incorporates material 
from the Lamentacio Sancte Marie. ^ But usually these 
expansions are so general in character that it is impossible 
to assign them to any particular source. 

^ See pp. Ixxxix ff. 



Ill 



THE IiNTTER-KELATIOISrS OF MANUSCKIPTS OF 
THE SHORT CHARTER 



The text of the Short Charter comprises, in most of the 
manuscripts, but thirty-four lines, and the variants, except 
in a single case, do not offer an opportunity of distinguishing 
true from spurious readings. It is therefore impossible, 
with so little available material, to determine the inter-rela- 
tions of the manuscripts, or to decide which manuscript best 
represents the text of the original. The following discussion 
makes no pretense of solving either of these problems; its 
purpose is merely to present such evidence as exists. This 
consists: (a) in the external features common to two or more 
texts; (b) in common readings. 

The agreements of the manuscripts in external features 
may be exhibited in tabular form as follows: 



y contain mention of pelican 

n 

contain legend Cor 
charte appensum etc. 



Mss. 


" A. 


containing 


B. 


Latin 




charter 


C. 


formula 


D. 


headings 


E. 


(no. of 




formulae 


F. 


varying) 


. ^« 




r ^' 


Mss. without 


1} 


any Latin 


J. 


formula 


K 


headings 


L. 




. Jf . 



- contains picture of 

Christ on the Cross 



Contain 
seal 



"Do not contain seal 



'Ms. / has at the end of its text a shield with a heart inscribed 

Ixiii 



Ixiv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

It is reasonable to suppose that the original of the Short 
Charter, being written in imitation of a legal document, would 
have either an actual seal, or a representation of one. More- 
over, the seal is found in A, our oldest datable manuscript, 
as also in E, a manuscript of the early fifteentli century. 
Hence we may conclude that the seal was an original feature 
of the Short Charter, and that mss. F, G, II, J, K, L, and 
M depart from the original text in not retaining it. l^ow, 
the seals of A, B, and E are alike in containing the drawing 
of a wounded heart with ^yq drops of blood. ^ Since the 
drawing (or seal) of ms. I is unique in form,^ and is at- 
tached at the wrong place after the words, " my own seal 
thereto I hang," it may have been added by the scribe of 
this manuscript, and not derived from the manuscript he 
was copying. 

Thus we have two groups: ABCDE, and FGHIJKLM, 
This group-division is corroborated by the readings in line 14 
where FGHIJLM agree in the reading, as I do thee, against 
BCDE {A unique). K, however, agrees here with BCDE; 
but this is probably merely a coincidence, since K does not 
resemble these manuscripts in other particulars, and is a 
very free version of the text. 

The group FGHIJKLM is itself divided into FG and 
HIJKLM; because a) HIJKLM have none of the Latin for- 
mulce, which, since they exist in mss. A and E, and were 
regular parts of the legal form, were probably in the original 

upon it. This may have been intended to represent a seal, as it follows 
the words " my own seal thereto I hang." See discussion below. 

'What was on the seals of C and D, I do not know, as my roto- 
graphs of these mss. show only the upper portion of the strap from 
which the seal depended. 

' Whether the drawings called " suns " in the catalogue description 
of this MS. are really suns, or whether, as I believe, they are intended 
to represent wounds, does not materially affect the point under dis- 
cussion, since at any rate the drawing in MS. / differs essentially from 
that in mss. A, B, and E. See the description of ms. /, pp. xxv f. 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE SHORT CHAETEE IxV 

of the Short Charter; b) IJKLM agree in al to brake, 24, 
against ABCDEF, in sonder hralce (mss. G and H being 
unique here, do not affect the grouping) ; c) FG agree in the 
readings of 23, 25, 29, and 30 ; in this last, G appears to be 
an emendation of the false reading of their common original. 
The reading of L in 30 is evidently a scribal blunder. 

Within the subgroup H IJKLM a special relationship is 
disclosed between I and J, which agree in line 1 against 
HKLM, Since no other manuscript of the Short Charter 
— either within or outside the subgroup — confirms IJ in this 
line it is certain that the reading of these two mss. is to be 
regarded as a perversion. 

Turning now to ABCDE, we find that mss. A and B agree 
in containing, at the base of the Charter, an allusion to a 
pelican, which is not found in C, D, and E. Moreover, A 
and B have in common two lines, e and /, which do not 
occur in the other manuscripts. A and B, then, are specially 
related. Mss. B, C, and D have in common the legend cor 
charte appensum etc., which does not occur in A probably be- 
cause it was not reproduced upon the gravestone from which A 
was copied. E has none of these features. Whether they all 
belonged originally to the Charter, or to Group ABCDE, it is 
impossible to say, since none of them is an intrinsic feature 
of the Charter like the seal, which, as we should expect, is 
common to all this group. 

Ms. D is clearly a copy of ms. C, They read exactly 
alike, except for very slight differences in spelling and 
capitalization, and the omission in D of the verse of Scrip- 
ture which is written on the strap of the seal in C. 

The results of the above classification, may be expressed 
in the following diagram: 



Ixvi 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST 



Original Version 



Gfsve 




" L 



IV 



MUTUAL RELATION'S OF VERSIONS A, B, AND C, 
OF THE LONG CHARTER 

It is mj aim,, in this chapter, to show that the A-text repre- 
sents the oldest extant form of the Long Charter; that the 
B-text is a redaction made from A, with additions ; and that 
the C-text represents a still later version derived from B. 

In the succeeding discussion, the three versions will be 
referred to as A, B, and C, respectively. It will be neces- 
sary to have before us the following tables : the first, giving 
all the lines of A, with those corresponding in B and ; the 
second, giving lines which B has in common with C. The 
numbers in smaller type represent, in the first table, lines in 
B not occurring in A; in the second table, lines in C not 
occurring in B. 



Line Coerespondences between A and the 
OTHER Versions 





1-24 




1-4 


25-28 


31-34 


5-8 


29-32 


45-48 


9-10 


33-34 
35-36 


63-64 


11-16 


37-42 


67-72 


17-18 


42a-42b 




19-20 


45-46 


77-78 


21-22 


43-44 

47-48 


75-76 


23-24 


49-50 
51-52 


81-82 


25-28 


53-56 

57-58 


89-92 


29-34 


61-66 


99-10^ 


35 






36 


67 (altered) 




68-70 




37-38 


59-60 


95-96 


39-40 







Line Correspondences 
between B and C 



1-16 


1-16 


16a-16d 


17-20 


17-20 


21-24 


20a-20b 


25-26 


21-24 


27-30 


25-28 


31-34 


28a-28d 


35-38 




39-40 


28e-28h 


41-44 


29-32 


45-48 




49-62 


33-42 


63-72 


b^a-4^D 


73-74 


43-{.2 


75-84 




85-88 


53-60 


89-96 




97-98 


61-74 


99-112 




113-116 



Ixvii 



Ixviii 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Line Correspondences between A and the 


Line Correspondences 




OTHER Versions 


BETWEEN B AND C 


A 


B 


C 




B 


C 


41 


72 


110 




75-76 


117-118 


42 


71 


109 




77-78 




43-44 


73-74 

75-80 


111-112 




79-80 
81-82 


119-120 


45-46 


81-82 
83-84 






83-93 


121-131 

132-138 


47-51 


85-89 


123-126 and 128 


94-122 






90 






123-124 


139-140 


52 


91 


129 






141-154 




92 






125-126 


155-156 


53-54 


93-94 


131; . 






157-166 




95-96 






127-132 


167-172 


55-56 


b7m 








173-174 




99-102 






133-146 


175-188 


57-59 


103-105 








189-190 




106 






147-148 


191-192 


60 


107 








193-204 




108-120 






149-152 


205-208 


61-62 


121-122 

123-126 






152a-152b 


209-210 

211-212 


63-64 


127-128 

129-130 


167-168 




152c- 152d 


213-214 
215-216 


65-66 


131-132 

133-134 


171-172 




153-154 


235-236 

237-238 


67-68 


135-136 


177-178 




155-156 


217-218 


69 










219-224 


70 


141 


183 




157-170 


239-252 


71-72 


137-138 


179-180 






253-256 




139 






171-178 


257-264 


73-74 


140 


182 




179-188 






142-150 






189 


265 


75-77 


151-153 
154-156 


207-208; 





190 


266-267 


78 








191-192 


270-269 


79-98 


157-176 


239-252 


and 257-262 


193-195 






177-178 






196 


268 


99-109 


179-189 


last line 


only, 265 


197-216 


271-290 


110-112 


190-192 


last two 


only, 270-269 




291-314 


113-116 


193-196 


last line 


only, 268 


217-220 


523-526 




197-198 






221-224 


529-532 


117-128 


199-210 


273-284 




225-226 


527-528 




211-212 






227-250 


533-556 


129-130 








251-264 


315-328 


131-140 


213-222 


287-290; 


523-26; 529-30 




329-330 




223-224 






265-270 


331-336 


141-150 


225-234 


527-28; 533-540 




337-350 




235-236 






271-272 


225-226 


151-162 


237-248 


543-554 






227-234 


163-164 


250-249 


(partially) 


273 


362 


165 


251 


315 




274 


361 




252 






275-276 


363-364 


166 








277-278 


359-360 



VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER 



Ixix 



Line Correspondences between 


A AND THE 


Line Correspondences 




other Versions 




between B and C 


A 


B 


C 




B 


C 


167 


254 


318 




279-282 


355-358 




255-264 






283-288 


365-370 


168 


253 


317 




289-292 


351-354 


169-172 


265-268 
269-276 


331-334 




293-294 


371-372 

373-452 


173-174 


293-294 

295-296 


371-372 




295-316 


453-474 

475-476 


175-178 


297-300 

301-320 


455-458 




317-332 


477-492 

493-494 


179-180 


283-284^ 
285-288 


365-366 




333-339 


495-501 

502-510 


181-182 


289-200 


351-352 




340 






291-292 






341-352 


511-522 


183-184 


277-278 

279-282 


359-360 




353-355 


557-559 
560-564 


185-186 


321-322 


481-482 




356 






323-338 






357-360 


565-568 


187-198 


339-350 


501; 0; 511-520 


361-364 




199-202 








365-390 


569-594 


203-208 


351-356 


521-22; 557-559; 




595-596 




357-360 






391-392 




209-214 


361-366 


. . . last two, 


569-570 


393-404 


597-608 




367-372 






405-406 


611-612 


215-228 


373-386 


577-590 




407-408 


609-610 




387-392 






409-414 


613-618 


229 












230 { 


suggests 
411) 


(suggests 
615) 








231 


393 

394-410 


597 








232-233 


412 








> 


234 


suggests 
413-14j 


(suggests 
617-618) 









An examination of these line correspondences brings out 
at once the following facts: 

I. A and B have thirty-five lines in common which are 
not found in C. 

II. B and C have one hundred and seventy-five lines ^ in 
common which are not found in A. 

III. A and C have no lines in common which are not 
also found in B. 



^ Both by position and rhyme. 

' Because they are peculiar to MS. E alone of the B-text, I have not 
here included lines 16a-16d, 28a-28h, and 152a-152d. If they be in- 
cluded, the number becomes 191. 



IXX THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

It is evident, therefore, tliat B occupies an, interme- 
diate position with respect to A and C. Hence we are 
obliged to accept one of the following alternatives: either (1) 
A derives from B ; in whicTi case either C is derived from B,or 
else B is derived from C ; or (2) B derives from A ; in which 
case it follows that C must be derived from B.^ 

The second of these alternatives, as I hope to show, is the 
true one. The evidence offered has to do both with structure 
and wording, but as these in some cases cannot be considered 
separately, I have made no attempt at a rigid distinction 
between the two classes of evidence. In the succeeding dis- 
cussion, unless otherwise stated, any manuscript of either 
version will serve to exemplify the facts pointed out, except, 
of course, where part of the text of a manuscript is missing. 
Passages quoted have, where possible, been taken from ms. 
G in Version A and from ms. C in Version B, for these 
manuscripts furnish, on the whole, the best texts of their 
respective versions.^ 

It seems advisable to begin with a passage, which even 
without other evidence, would, in my opinion, be sufficient 
to show that B was taken from A. Let us compare A 171-86 
with B 267-322. 

First, if we suppose that A was derived from B, we must 
assume that the author of A skipped about in the text before 
him and picked out his lines (omitting some entirely) in 
this sequence: B 267-8; 293-4; 297-300; 283-4; 289-90; 
277-8 ; 321-2. While the altered order of these lines might 
be explained on the hypothesis that A wished to restore the 
order of events according to the Scriptural narrative, by 
placing the committal of the Virgin to St. John before the 

^ Thien, in his discussion of the Planctus contained in Version C ( Ueher 
die Eng. Marienklagen 82) remarks in passing: "Die genannte langste 
Version [C-text] . . . , ebenso wie die zweitlangste [B-text] . . . aus 
der kiirzesten [A-text] . . . entwickelt, is die einzige der Versionen 
die eine Mkl. enthalt." He had evidently not noted the intermediate 
relation in which B stands to the other two texts. 
'See Chapter v. §§ 1 and 2. 



VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER Ixxi 

cry Pater lamazahatani ; ^ yet this is not a satisfactory solu- 
tion, since A was not following the Scriptural account very 
closely.* Secondly, upon this hypothesis it would be hard 
to account for his having altered the subject matter of B 
300-20. 

On the other hand, if we suppose that B was taken from A, 
the situation, as it seems to me, admits of a plausible expla- 
nation. First, we should have the following sequence: A 
171-2 ; 8 new lines ; 183-4 ; 4 new lines ; 179-80 ; 4 new lines ; 
181-2 ; 2 new lines ; 173-4 ;. 2 new lines ; 175-8 ; 20 new lines ; 
185-6. This would mean simply that A 179-84 were taken 
out of their place and inserted between 172 and 173, but 
that the last two were put in first. B's reasons for these 
changes can, I think, be explained, if one notes that in the 
A-text the passage we are considering covers only sixteen 
lines, all of which probably lay before the reviser on a single 
page, so that his alterations would not involve the turning of 
leaves or reading ahead for any considerable distance.^ B, 
being, as we suppose, a reviser and not a mere copyist, read 
lines 171-186 of A before writing them down. On coming 
to A 177-80, he did not grasp their meaning: 

177 ]?* I ne hadde wher to take 
My testament wherof to make 

^The committal preceded the offer of vinegar (St. John xix. 26-30) ; 
but as the cry Eli! Eli! lama salachtJiani was the immediate occasion 
for the offering of drink to Christ (St. Matth. xxvii. 46-48; St. Mark 
XV. 34-36), the committal must also have preceded the cry. 

* Note that the Gospels recording both the offer of vinegar and gall 
to the Lord and the cry Eli! Eli! lama sahachthani (Sts. Matthew 
and Mark), place the drink immediately after the cry, which is fol- 
lowed directly by the death of Christ; whereas in A (and B) the 
incident of the vinegar and gall precedes not only the cry but also 
the committal of the Virgin — a double departure from Scriptural 
order. 

^Had A, on the contrary, been the reviser, he would have been 
dealing with a block of text comprising fifty-four lines, and his task 
would have been much more complicated. 



Ixxii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST 

But of my moder lef and dere 
180 Sho stod by me wij? reuful chere [ms. G]. 

Line 178 probably suggested to him — as it did to me on first 
reading — that Christ had nothing out of which to make His 
Testament, just as He had no parchment for His Charter, 
lines 51-54.^ The next line, then, would have no connection, 
and would, to him, mean simply, " But to speak of my 
mother, she stood by me sorrowing,'' etc. Hence the lines 
mentioning the Testament would look like an isolated coup- 
let, meaning little, and separating two groups relating to the 
Virgin. But lines 175-77: 

So bare I was of wordles god 
Whan I sholde deye vpon pe rod 
]>at I ne hadde wher to take [ms. G] 

did suggest to B the text of Scripture in which Christ de- 
clares that He has nowhere to lay His head.*^ This inspired 

• Ne mijhte I fynde no parchemyn 

ffor to laston wel and fyn 
But as lone bad me do 
Myn owne skyn y jaf J?er to [ms. G]. 

' St. Matthew viii. 20 : " And Jesus saith unto him, ' The foxes have 
holes, and the birds of the heaven have nests; but the Son of man 
hath not where to lay his head.' " [Rev. Vers.] Cf. also St. Luke 
IX. 58. The treatment of this theme was sufficiently common in the 
Middle Ages. See for example. Disputation heticeen Mary and the 
Cross, Minor Poems of the Vernon ms. it. {E. E. T. 8. Orig. Ser. 117) 
614. 

ffoules fourmen heor nestes in Ipe eyr; 

Wolues, in den, reste J?ei fynde; 

But Godes sone, in heuene heir, 

His hed nou leone> on I?ornes tynde. 

Cf. also Thien, Ueher die Eng. Marienklagen (Kiel 1906) 51, who 
refers in this connection to the Lamentacio sancti Bernardi, ed. Kribel, 
Eng. Stud. viii. 85 ff., lines 369-72: 

alias, l?in heuid l?ei al torace, 
]>at was wonid lye to my brest: 
I saw it honge & had no space, 
Wher on it myghte ouht han reste. 



VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER Ixxiii 

B's imagination to enlarge upon the theme, and so, after 
prefixing two lines (295-6) : 

Vpon my shuldur y layde myn hedde 

Whan y J?rov/3 faste vnto my deed [B-text, ms. A]. 

by way of introduction, he changed A 178 to what we find 
inB 300: 

Reste to myne hedde wher-of to make 

and followed it by a long digression upon Christ's having no 
rest in the world, etc. 

But this passage of B's, if written directly after A 178, 
would iseparate widely the two dealing with the Virgin Mary. 
So B moved the second of these (179-184) back to connect 
it with the first (A 171-2), making interpolations to develop 
the theme of the Virgin's grief, a subject which appealed 
strongly to the mediaeval imagination.^ In this shifting, 
however, A 183-4 is put first instead of last where it would 
ordinarily occur: 

In cnowlychyng I made a cry 
Pater lama3abatany 

B making slight alterations. Curiously enough, A and B 
both connect the cry Pater lama^^ahatany with our Lord's 
distress at seeing His mother's suffering. It is possible, 
therefore, that B thought that the proper place for it was, 
not after the committal of the Virgin to St. John, but imme- 
diately connected with lines 171-2 and the new lines B 269- 
76, which deal very vividly with the Virgin's grief. Or, 
another reason for the position B gives to 183-4 might be 

^ The fact that B chose to connect A 173-174 with what followed it 
rather than with what preceded it, is confirmation of this explanation, 
as it shows that B did not grasp the meaning of the passage. He 
doubtless took testament 178 as referring to chartre 173, regarding 
173-178 as a unit. Perhaps his copy of the Charter was entitled 
Testament of Christ, as is the version of MS. Vernon. 



Ixxiv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

that he wished to make Christ's cry of dereliction the cause 
of the swooning of Mary, which he introduces as a new feature 
in the lines following, B 279-80. 

It is interesting to note the changes B made in A 179-80: 

But of my moder lef and dere 

Sho stod by me with rueful chere [ms. G}. 

We recognize them in B 283-4, altered in such a manner as 
to incorporate them into the description of the scene with 
less abruptness; 

When y layde my hedde her & J^er 

My mo)?er changed all he[r] chere [ms. A]. 

Moreover, a very significant alteration is that made by 
B in A 171-2, which read as follows : 

And namely my moder swete 

ffor she lufte neuer teres lete [ms. G]. 

ffor she is in B altered to the relative pronoun that, because 
B wished to begin the interpolated passage immediately fol- 
lowing, with for J thus : 

267 And namely my modyr swete 

That for me blody teres gan lete 
269 ffor }?er she stode unj^er J?e rode [B-text, ms. A] 

The next passage we shall examine is A 29-42 = B 57-72. 
The most important differences between the two texts here 
involve: A 41-42 =B 72-71; A 37-38 =B 59-60; and B 
69-70, which has no equivalent in A. ISFow B 71-72, as it 
stands, does not make good sense: 

69 No we derworthly soule herke to me 

And A newe loye I xal telle the 

To malce A chartore of feffement 
72 heuen And erth schuld he present [ms. (7]. 



VERSIOlSrS OF THE LONG CHAETEE IxXV 

Line 71 cannot be connected with line 70, and if connected 
with 72 the statement means nothing. Heaven and earth 
were not to make the Charter! But upon examining these 
lines in A, we find that they are joined in thought and syntax 
to lines 38-40 : 

37 Wei he fond hym geyned no3t 

38 another help was in my ]>ou^t 
more syTcer \>e to make 

40 a geyn j^i fo ful of wrake 

Heuene and erthe in present 
42 To make a chartre of feffement [ms. G], 

and mean clearly enough : " another help was in my mind to 
make thee more safe against thy foes, namely, heaven and 
earth being present, to make a charter of feoffment." The 
infinitive to malce of line 42 is in apposition with another 
help of line 38. But line 38 (=B 60) is very different in 
the B-text, and stands in an altogether different place, i. e., 
immediately before the description of the temptation, B 61 
(=A29): 

59 wroth he was it helpe lajme not^ghte 
for to helpe the was All my thoughts 
he tempted me to gret foly 
in pride covetyse And gloteny [B-text, MS. C]. 

This leaves the infinitive to malce, B 71 (A 42), without 
logical connection. B did not see, or else he forgot, the in- 
timate relation existing between lines 38 and 42 of A. So, 
wanting some material to make the transition between A 28 
and 29 less abrupt — 

27 Tho belsabub and sathanas 

28 Hadde gret wounder whi it was 
He fondes me wi]> felonye 

39 Wi|? pryde couetise and glotenye [ms. 01 — 



JxXVi THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

he moved A 37-38 up to this point, altering as he desired, 
and prefixed two explanatory lines of his own, B 57-58: 

55 J7at cursed fende Sathanas 

hade gret wondyr why it was 

57 wJier for I schulde so meche loue the 

58 that so unhend hast be to me 

59 wroth he was it helpe hym noughte, [B-text, Ms. 0] . 

This assuredly improves the poem, for in A 28 the expression 
wM it was is by no means clear, and the transition from line 
28 to 29 is very abrupt. 

But this left A 39-42 in bad shape. The author of B now 
cut out 39-40 which had lost their connection, and substituted 
two lines of his own (69-70) perhaps for the purpose of 
emphasizing the Charter, which is here mentioned for the 
first time : 

69 Nowe derworthly soule herlce to me 

70 And A newe loye I xal telle the 

This, of course, left A 41-42 absolutely stranded. So B 
altered them to read as follows : 

71 To make A chartore of feffemente 

72 heuene And erth schuld be presents [ms. C]. 

Had the author of B been the author of the poem, he would 
have changed these lines to read : 

heuene And erth in presents 

I make A chartore of feffemente 

thus making good sense, as well as fulfilling the grammatical 
requirements. But B shows in his treatm_ent of this passage 
that he has not grasped A's idea at all, and feebly alters the 
lines so that, though remaining grammatically correct, they 
are logically without point. We have, therefore, in B 57-72, 
clear evidence, not only that B was derived from A, but also 



VERSIONS OF THE LONG- CHAETER Ixxvii 

that the author of the B-text was not the author of the 
Charter, but a reviser onlj.^ 

The construction of B 93-102 also throws light upon the 
question of the priority of A over B : 

89 Parchement to fynde wyst I none 

90 To make thy charture A^ene thy fone 
pat wolde last wyth oute ende 
herkenyth now to my wordes hende 

93 but as trewe loue bad me do 

Myn owne sky/ine I toke J?ere-to 

95 And whanne I hade ^it so I-do 

96 wul fewe frendes had I ]>o 

97 to get me frendes I 3af gret mede 
as doth ]>e pore ]?at hath gret nede 
But for to ^eue the I hade no more 

100 for thi sowle ]?at was for-lorne 
fanne myselfe for to ^eue the 
102 I?at for the dyed vppon A tre [ms. C]. 

Lines 95-96 are very poor, and their logical connection with 
the preceding is not of the clearest. Moreover, the next six 
lines do not progress but leave us at the end just where we 
started. The thought of the passage might be expressed in 
this way : " as true love bade me, I gave my own skin for 
the Charter. When I had done this, I had but few friends ; 
to get some I gave good reward, but had nothing to give but 
myself." 'Now I believe that this awkwardness arose from 
B's not grasping A's thought. The parallel passage in A 
runs as follows: 

51 ne my3te I fynde no parchemyn 

52 ffor to laston wel and fyn 

^The changes made by B in A 33-36 (B 65-68) are unimportant, 
and doubtless arose from B's effort to improve upon A. Certainly 
A 34 is a very poor line. 



Ixxviii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

But as loue bad me do 
Myn owne skyn y ^af ]?er-to 
55 To gete me frendes I ^af god mede 

So doj? J?e pore J^at ha]? gret nede [ms. G]. 

It will be noted that A lacks B 95-96 and 99-102. A's 
meaning is undoubtedly this : " as love bade me do, I took 
my own skin for the parchment — to obtain followers (dis- 
ciples) I gave good reward indeed ; just as the poor man does 
in his need " ; L e. the reward, or payment, is the giving of 
His skin to be used as parchment, or, in other words, the 
death upon the Cross. ^^ Since B missed the connection 
between A 54 and 55, he thought the reference to friends 
must be made clear;, and having in mind those who forsook 
the Lord in the time of His need, he inserted lines 95-6 to 
lead up in some degree to line 97. In the same way, sup- 
posing the word mede, in A 55, to be without connection, he 
wrote 99-102 to show what the mede was. Had B been the 
original, and A the revised text, it would be difficult to find 
a satisfactory explanation for A^s omission of B 95-6 while 
retaining 97-98, and for his omission of 99-102. 

The next passage indicating that B was derived from A 
is found in A 165-71 =B 251-67. A reads: 

165 Aj?orst I was ful sore y-swonke 

J7e beuerache moste ne)?es ben J^ronke 
A loue drynk I asked of J?e 
Eysel and galle J?ou ^eue me 

" As I understand A in this passage, there is no intention of leading 
up to the Last Supper in the expression: / jaf good mede. The Last 
Supper was not instituted by Christ in any sense as a bribe, or price 
of men, nor could it have been so conceived by A. Indeed, both A and 
B describe the Eucharist as being intended " BoJ?e frend and fo to 
maky glade" (ms. G, line 58) with heavenly food, and to be the 
memorial of the Passion of Christ. Hence the colon punctuation after 
line 56 of the Vernon text, in the E. E. T. S. edition, p. 641, is wrong, 
and a period should be substituted. 



VEESIOlSrS OF THE LONG CHAETER IxXlX 

Hijs testihus Matheus and lohan 

170 Luk Mark and many on 

171 And namely my moder swete [ms. G]. 

'Now in B 251-4, corresponding to A 165-8, we see prepara- 
tions leading to the introduction of a new idea, namely, a 
figurative drink asked of man bv the Lord, which is de- 
veloped in B 255-264 (not occurring in A). Beginning at 
251, B reads: 

251 Well drye y was & thursted sore 

But of such drynh my^th y no more 
jfor aysell & galle ]>ey jef to me 
But on drynlce ashe y of the 

255 That J?ou be louyng towards Ipy fone 
o]>er drynke of ]>e aske y non 
jef pou me loue haue ]>is yn mynde 
To J?y enemyes be J?ou ryght kynde 
Ensai^mpull }?ou my3t take her of me 

260 For loue of my fone y honge on tre 
But my f adyr y pray the 
Vpon my enemyes pat )?ou haue pyte 
And as y do do pou to ]?yne 
Then saued shalt pou be fro helle pyne 

265 He ben wytnesses mo pen on 

Marke Mathew luke & jon [ms. A]. 

The preparatory lines 251-4 are, however, not skilfully man- 
aged by B. Line 252, which has no equivalent in A, is 
wellnigh meaningless. But the significant feature about 
them lies in the inversion of the order of lines 253-4 from 
that in the A-text. It is clear that B made this change be- 
cause " on drynke aske y of I'e " leads up better to his inter- 
polated passage 255 fi.^^ Moreover, it will be noticed that 

" One might question whence B could have drawn this peculiar 
conception of " on drynke . . . that J>u be louyng," etc. Perhaps the 
word loue-drynJce in A suggested it to him; or possibly he copied 
loue as one because he missed seeing the I (it may have been illegible 
or widely separated from the rest of the word ) . 



IXXX THE MIDDLE EiN^GLlSH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

the interpolation of B 255-264 leaves lines 265-266 (A 169- 
170) without connection with what precedes them. In A, 
hoAvever, these two lines are in very close connection with the 
preceding lines. The differences that appear in this passage 
between the two texts are easily explainable on the hypothesis 
that B is derived from A, but are much less easily intelligible 
on the contrary hypothesis. 

Again in B, lines 197-8, which have no equivalent in A, 
suggest a misunderstanding of the A-text on the part of the 
author of B: 

197 In my blysful loye euyr to dwelle 

198 for ]?e rent ]?at I xal pe telle [ms. C]. 

'Now B inserts these lines between 116 and 117 of the follow- 
ing passage of the A-text, separating a direct object from its 
verbs, and implying a false relation: 

107 Wi}> my chartre here in present [B 187] 

I make heron confirmament [B 188] 

That I haue granted and y^eue [B 189] 

110 To )?e mankynde with me toleue [B 190] 
In my revme of heuon blisse 
To haue & to holden wit/i-outen mysse 
In a condicioun 3if Ipou be kynde 
And my loue dedes haue in mynde 

115 ffre to haue and fre to holde [B 195] 

116 WiJ? al ]>e p^fftinaunce to wolde [B 196] 

117 Min erytage ]?at is so fre [B 199] 
ffor homage ne for fewte [B 200] 
No more wole I aske of Ipe [B 201] 

120 But a four leued gras to ^elde me [ms. G]. 

Min erytage, line 117, is the direct object of to haue and 
to holde in 115. But in B this object is separated by lines 
197-8 from its verbs. Moreover, line 198 introduces the 
mention of rent, which does not belong at this point, but 
after 199 (= A above, line 118). I believe this interpola- 



VEESIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER IxXXl 

tion shows that B did not observe the connection of min 
erytage with to have and to holde of A 116, but supposed 
their object to be the same as that of to have & to holden 
wiih-outen mysse in A 112, namely, a feffement, which B 
substituted for the confirmament of A 108.^^ 

There are, in A, certain words and expressions that B 
seems to have altered either because they were archaic or 
unfamiliar to him, or because they were not sufficiently re- 
fined for his taste. These alterations I offer as evidence 
corroborative of what it has been my effort to prove in the 
preceding paragraphs of thi^ chapter: 

A 29: fondes or fondede = B 61: tempted 

A 67: kirtel = B 135: mantylle 

A 74: forletton = B 140: forsoken 

A 75 : piht, or ply^t = B 151 : bound ^^ 

A 76: tawed = B 152: beten 

A 83: neb, nesse ^^ = B 161: face 

A 84: Of iewes spotel on 

me to stynke ^^ = B 162: thornes in my 

hed gan to synke 

A 136: Btif' = B 218: smyth 

A 141 : f>urledon, or thrille- 

don = B 225: smyten 

A 165: yswonke or swon- 

gen = B 251 : dry 

A 209 : bykef^e or bykeye = B 361 : a wel faire 

thyng 

A 212: f>ar f>e not drede = B 364: to kepe pe euer 

A 218: camelyn = B 376: satyn 

" In Dr. Furnivall's print of Harl. 2382, Minor Poems of the Vernon 
MS. II. {E. E. T. 8.) the punctuation of a period after line 198, and 
of a comma after line 199, is therefore incorrect. There should be a 
period after 199, and a comma after 198. 

" But see line 247, where the word is retained. 

"Ms. H of the A-text reads face, but, as will be seen later (Chapter 
V. § 4), the readings of this MS. do not affect those of the B-text. 

^^Mss. / and K read differently; but see Chapter v. § 4. 



Ixxxii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

I^ow since a revised text is necessarily of a later date than 
its original, there is a strong probability that it will show 
modernization, rather than archaization, of vocabulary; 
hence the above list certainly contributes to the argument 
that A is the original text. It adds force also to the argu- 
ment that B was not written by A. 

This concludes the evidence I have to offer regarding the 
dependence of B upon A.^^ 

It has already been demonstrated (pp. Ixix f.) that if B is 
derived from A, C is derived from B. If, therefore, my 
argument for the derivation of B from A is sound, it follows 
as a necessary consequence that C was derived from B. 
Nevertheless, it seems desirable to conisider certain passages 
of B and C, both because they show that the differences be- 
tween the two texts confirm the validity of my argument, and 

" The two following lists of classified interpolations made in the 
poem by B may prove of interest as showing B's contribution to the 
material he found. Interpolations discussed in the preceding pages 
are not recorded here, since they have already been accounted for. 

I. 



To explain 


II. To add 


interesting 


A-text. 


subject 


matter 


'. 


B 47-48 


Bl-24 




177-78 


69-70 


35-36 




211-12 


129-30 


51-52 




223-24 


133-34 


75-80 




249-50 


235-36 


83-84 




323-38 


357-60 


108-20 




367-72 




123-26 




387-92 




142-50 




394-410 




154-56 




412. 



With B, lines 20a-22 (C 25-28), compare the Lamentacio Sancte 
Marie of the Vernon ms. {E.E.T.8. Orig. Ser. 98, p. 298) lines 15-16: 

\>e mon )?at con, and teche nille, 
He mai haue drede of godes wreche. 

B's additions in 154-156, and 177-178, present difficulties, in that 
the former is a clumsy repetition of 151-152, and the latter does not 
join with what follows. 



VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER Ixxxiii 

because they enable us to perceive the metbod wbicb tbe 
author of C pursued. 

The Charter, in the A- and B-texts, makes a grant of 
eternal life in heaven to man. See B 37-39 and 188 if. : 

Myne erytage that is so fre 

In )?i myschefe I ^af the 

And whanne J?at solynge A ^eue J?e solde, etc. 

I make to mannes Soule a feffemente 

)?at I haue gmntyd and I-^eue 

To niankend wyth me for to be 

In my kindome of hevene blysse [ms. C], 

which correspond to A 11-13, and 108-111. N^ow C has 
changed myn heritage to my hlysful body, lines 67 if., thus 
substituting the Sacrament as Christ's gift to man. This 
is in accord with C's emphasis upon the Sacrament all 
through (for instance, note his interpolations of 132-138; 
141-154; and 560-64). But when referring, in a later pas- 
sage, to the grant made by Christ's Charter, C does not seem 
to remember his previous alteration of heritage to my hlysful 
hody, and retains the idea of heaven in the grant, as in B. 
See C 264-72 : 

264 ]?at I T^esus of nazaret, godys sone, 

265 as gyn for euer, & grauntyd, 
and be }?is charter co?ifermed, 

how mans sawle in my joy to belde, 

Wyt all )?e purtenance ]>er with to welde, 

to af & to hald wtt/i-outy [n] mysse 

270 )?at for-sayd place, heuen blysse, 

In J?at blyssed place for euer to dwell, 

272 for ]?e rent J7at I sail ]>e tell .... 

'Nextj let us consider an important alteration made by C 
in the following lines from B: 



Ixxxiv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEKS OF CHRIST 

353 Oon endentur y lafte with ]>e 

Wher-of ]?ou shalt euer sykur be 
355 In ]>Q prestt^s honde my flessh & blode 

That for ]>q was honged on )?e rode [ms. A]. 

This reads, in C: 

557 ]>is chartei Ipus celyd, leive I wyll ]>e, 
Ware-by J?u sail ay sekyr be: 
My precyiis body, of ]?e preste hande 

560 for to resaywe, )?u sail vnderstand 

On comparing C 557 with B 353, we see that C has changed 
the word indenture of B (as of A) to charter. Here C 
misses the whole point of the allegory as conceived by A and 
followed by B. For note that in A and B, the Charter is 
that Body of Christ which was sacrificed on the Cross, 
written upon by scourges, sealed with nails and spear, and 
completed by the death of Him who grants it — '^ Consnm- 
matum est, f>is Charter is doon " ; but the Body of Christ as 
present in the Eucharist is the Indenture: 

B 353 Oon endentur y lafte with J?e 

In )?e presti^s honde my flessh & blode, etc. 

They are, of course, in a sense, identical, yet different. ITow 
originally, an indenture was a deed having two copies. 
" Both copies," says the Neiv English Dictionary, " were 
written on one piece of parchment or paper, and then cut 
asunder in a serrated or sinuous line, so that when brought 
together again at any time, the two edges exactly tallied, 
and showed that they were parts of one and the same original 
document: hence the expression 'pair of indentures.'" 
This, it is stated, is the earliest sense of the word.^''' The 



"Among examples given by the Vew English Dictionary is the 
following from Barbour's Bruce i. 513: "The barownys thus accordyt 



VEESIOJN'S OF THE LOI^G CHARTEK IxXXV 

conception of A, followed by B, is, then, that the Sacra- 
mental Body of Christ is the copy of the ascended Crucified 
Body, given to man by the Saviour as surety of the heavenly 
heritage. The Charter is to be read at the last day (cf. A 
228, B 386) ; but those who have received the Sacramental 
Body, the " Indenture,'^ may claim their inheritance when 
they will.^^ 

This ingenious and poetical application of the figure in 
the word indenture was, overlooked by the author of C, who, 
as has been pointed out, alters the word to charter; so that 
what was, in A and B, a consistent and effective allegory 
becomes, in C, a confused mixture of two ill-defined ideas — 
namely, the literal and sacramental aspects of Christ's Body ; 
indeed, I should say of three ideas, since the heritage of 
heaven is also involved (in 269-73, previously quoted). 

Another passage radically altered by C, requires notice, 
namely, B 267-292 (= C 333-364). The significant changes 
are chiefiy in the order of the lines, and usually we can trace 
C's reason for the shiftings. The first point to be noticed 
is the insertion of B 289-292 after B 270 and the interpo- 
lation of C following it, and of B 279-82 immediately after 
these — changes resulting in C 351-358. 

This shifting is easy to understand. B 289-92 is as 
follows : 

289 When seyn John y her betoke 

290 She caste on me a drwly loke 

ar, And that Ilk nycht writyn war Thair Endenturis, and aythis 
maid." Another is from Caxton's Chron. Eng. cxlviii. 127 : " The 
fourme of accord . . . was in a payr of Endentures and they put her 
scales vnto that one part, and they that comen in the kynges name 
putt her scales to that other part of endentures." 
^^Cf. A 232: Come and clcyme whan \>ou wilt 

J»e blisse Jjat loste oure former frende, 

and lines in B expressing a similar idea. 



IxXXvi THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHABTEES OF CHRIST 

As Ipou^ y hadde her all forsake 
292 And to an-o)?er sone her be take 

[MS. A;= C 351-54] 

and B 270 (referring to the Virgin) : 

She sawe my body all on blode [=C 336] 

After this line C has inserted an interpolation of fourteen 
lines, developing the scene at the Cross more fully, the last 
five of which record the committal of St. Mary to St. John : 

345 & I sayd to my moder Mary : 

* Be-halde ]?i sone pat standes fe by ! ' 
To Ion I spak wordes of pyte: 
^ Behald ]?i moder ! hy tak hyre to pe ' 
Wen I spak J^is wordes pere, 

350 Vntyll hyre hart )?ai went ful nere; 

At this point, therefore, it would naturally occur to C that 
the above lines in B, 289-92 relating to the same subject, 
fit better here than where they stand in B. C accordingly 
inserts them at the end of his interpolation, consequently 
after B 270. 

He next inserts B 279-282 directly after this altered pas- 
sage, as follows : 

C 355 Onone scho fell downe in swounynge 
Be-for J?e cros at my dyynge 
J?e paynes pat I hade were full sore, 

C 358 Bot for my mode?* )?ai were wel more ! 

Thus C evidently preferred that the swooning of the Virgin 
should result from her being resigned to St. John rather 
than from Chritst's cry, Ely lamazdhatany. To be delivered 
over to the care of another would bring home to a mother's 
heart more bitterly than anything else would, what her son's 
death was to mean to her. The touch is a natural one, and 
shows keen insight into human nature. Accordingly, C is 



VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER IxXXvii 

obliged also to change the position of B 277-8, containing 
Christ's cry, to a point where it shall no longer be the occa- 
sion of the Virgin's swooning. Hence, after aptly changing 
" for sorow of her y made a cry " (B 277) to " for soro of 
my passiou/i I made a cry," C inserts B 277-8 before B 273- 
6, where they produce the effect of merely intensifying the 
Virgin's misery. This is, however, not a very satisfactory 
change, since it leaves Christ's cry still in the midst of a 
description of the Virgin's grief, instead of, as in A and the 
Scriptures, immediately preceding Christ's death, its proper 
place : 

C 357 pe paynes ]?at I hade were full sore [= B 281] 

358 Bot for my moder J^ai were wel more ! [= B 382] 

359 ffor soro of my passion I made a cry, [= B 277] 

360 A cryed 'hely lama zabatany.' [= B 278] 
it semed my moder hart wald brek; [=B274] 
No worde to me J?er myght scho speke ; [= B 273] 
No wonder was if hyre were wo, [= B 275] 

364 Wen sho saw me dyght so!, etc. [=B 276] 

Ol^erve too, that whereas B had shifted the episode of the 
committal of the Virgin to a point after the Saviour's last 
cry, C has returned to the original sequence in placing the 
cry after the committal, as in A. To do this it was not neces- 
sary that he should have seen a copy of A, for in all the 
Gospels the '^Eli ! Eli ! lama-sabachthani," or another cry not 
expressed in words, is uttered by Christ just before His 
death ; and C may very well have noticed the false sequence 
in B, and have sought to alter it. 

An omission from C of twenty-nine lines of B (94-122) 
requires special notice. The gap is just after C 131. In- 
stead of the B lines that would naturally stand here, the 
C-text gives seven new lines, and then goes on to B 123-4. 
These B lines, however, were not dropped by C himself, 
but by the loss of a leaf from some manuscript between C's 
own text and our copy, ms. Koyal 17. C xvii.^ as an exami- 



IxXXviii THE MIDDLE EI^-GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

nation of C's seven new lines and tlieir relation to the 
preceding text will show: 

127 to mak J?i charter of ]>i wele-fare, [B 90] 

parchemen to fynde wyst I neuer ware [B 89] 

J?at wyld last to J?e warldes end; — [B 91] 

130 harkyns now to my wordes hend! — [B 92] 

Bot as trew lone bad me dO;, [B 93] 

lolce ware I af not done so. 

'^is wordys are ]>us to vndevfong 

to lewed men in ynglys tong: 
135 My flesche trewly es mans fode, 

Ipat for mans saule dyed on ]>e rode; 

My hlode for sothe ]>i drynh sal he, 

]>at for ]>e was sched on ]>e rod[e'] tre. 

Wo-so it resaywes wyt-outyn mys, [B 123] 

140 Sawyd sal he be, & cum to blys ; [B 124] 

It will be evident that the seven new lines do not connect 
with what goes before, but contain an explanation of the 
Sacrament. 'Now since a reference to the Last Supper, fol- 
lowed by an explanation of the Sacrament, is exactly what 
we have in the missing text of B, it is probable that C's 
seven new lines were merely an addition made by him to 
B 94-122, which were present in the copy from which he was 
transcribing, and that f^is wordys, of C 133, refer to Hoc 
facite in meam commemoracionem, which occur in the mis- 
sing passage. ^^ That this rubric stood, in the original text 

^® Cf . with this, De Lamentacione Sancte Marie ed. Frohlich ( Leipzig 
1902) 84: 

526 To cry full loud my son bigan: 

* Hely, hely/ his crying was, 
* Lamazabatany ' eiter J>an. 

]?ir wordes er als men may se 
530 In ynglysch tong to vnderstand: 

' Fader, whi forsoke ]?ou me, 
J?U8 to be bon in bytter band?' 

[from MS. Rawl. poet. 175.] 
Here " J?ir wordes " refer to the Hebrew which needed translation. 



VERSIOI^S OF THE LONG CHARTER Ixxxix 

of B, directly after line 122,^^ is probable, because the mar- 
ginal rubric of ms. E, memoriam fecit [^mir']ahilium suo- 
rlum'jy is written opposite lines 121-22, thus seeming to 
agree with A, which records the rubric Hoc facUe etc., at 
this point. ^-"^ Moreover, upon the hypothesis that the miss- 
ing text of B was retained by C, we can explain C 167, 
" Bot or p&t I fra pe borde rase " ;. should we assume the 
contrary hypothesis this line would be left unrelated to what 
goes before.^^ A word must be said regarding line 132 in C. 
This line, as it seems to me, must have been composed by the 
scribe who was using as copy the manuscript from which the 
leaf was lost, in order to complete the couplet with line 131. 
It is manifestly not a part of the C addition which follows it. 
Beginning with line 379, C has inserted a long passage 
extending to 453, and comprising chiefly a lament of the 
Virgin Mary, which is addressed to Mary Magdalene. The 
scene is at the Cross. The Magdalene's replies are in much 
the same vein as the Virgin's lamentation. Hermann Thien, 
in his dissertation, Ueher die Englischen Marienklagen (Kiel 
1906) has already pointed out that the author of the Charter 
has used for this passage material from a Planctus in the 
form of a dialogue between the Virgin and St. Bernard, 
in which the Virgin narrates the sufferings and death of 
Jesus, and bewails her bereavement. This Planctus has been 
several times printed; by G. Kribel in 1885,^^ by Horst- 
mann in 1892,^* and by W. Frohlich in 1902.2^ Thien, 

^••And not, as in mss. ABDX, after line 112, where they were prob- 
ably moved by the scribe of the source of these mss. to fit with the 
preceding couplet, 111-112. 

^Ms. F, of the A-text, shifts the rubric to the point between lines 
60 and 61, but this has no significance for the present discussion. 

^ Lines 165-66 of C certainly do not furnish a sufficient antecedent 
for line 167, but rather show a necessarily ineffectual effort of the 
scribe to connect what he perceived to be unrelated material. 

'^ Eng. Stud. viii. 85 ff. 

^ E. E. T. 8. Orig. Ser. 98, Part i. 297-328. 

^ De lamentacione Sancte Marie (Leipzig 1902). 



XC THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

pp. 83-4, prints such passages from the Planctus and Charter 
as show the influence of the one upon the other, namely: 



Planctus 


Charter 


357, 359 


379-80 


385, 390 


387-88 


393-96 '' 


389-92 '« 


397-400 


395-98 


419-22 


401-04 


423-28 


405-11 


429, 431 


413-14 



and he calls attention to line 413 ff. of the Charter, which, 
as he says, " beweisen dass der Dichter des Testaments [i. e. 
of the Charter] aus der Lamentacio abschrieb, und dass 
nicht etwa das umgekehrte Verhaltnis vorliegt/' I quote 
the lines in question: 

413 I prayd hyre go were hyre wylles was 

(i. e. the Virgin prayed Magdalene) 

414 for I wold byde & syng alas! 

415 I prayd J^am go weder J?ai wolde, 
ffor a song of miimyng syng I sulde. 

- Scho sette hyre down be syde J?e rode, 
& lokyd o-pon hyre blody f ode : 
& als scho stode & lokyd me on, 
420 Scho saw my lyfe was nere gon. 

^I quote this pair of parallels by way of illustration: 

Planctus. Chaeteb. 

393 Maudeleyn seide : ' I con no Magdalan sayd : ' I can no 389 

red, no]?er rede, 

Care haj? smiten myn herte I knele & se my lorde nere 

sore; dede; 

I stonde, I seo my lord neih ffull grete soro has smytyn 

ded, my harte, 

396 And J>i wepyng greuej) me And ^it me rewes J?i payn[e]8 

more/ smarte.' 392 



VEBSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER XCl 

Alas, alas! gan sho syng; 
422 ffiil fast hyre handis gan scho wryng. 

'^ Diese Verse haben Sinn nur im Munde der Maria, die sie 
in der Lamentacio auch spricht ; der Dichter hat nach Ueber- 
nahme der Mkl. Aiis Z [i. e. the Planctus] einen Augenblick 
vergessen, dass nach der Anlage seines Stiickes Jesus erzahlt 
und nun fortfahren miisste." Thien is undoubtedly right; 
cf. lines 417 E., especially me in 419, which of course means 
Christ.27 

For the remainder of the Virgin's lament, as it is con- 
tained in the Charter, lines 424-34, Thien says that he knows 
no source. It is quite possible that C himself may be the 
author of this, and of the conventional description of the 
effect of the Virgin's grief upon her, which occupies the lines 
immediately following. ^^ 

*^ Other correspondences between this Planctus and the Charter have 
already been pointed out in connection with the B version as well as 
with C, p. Ixxxii, note. 

^* Attention should be called to the misplacement in C of lines 523- 
556 (=B 217-250). The passage covers the description of the seals 
of the Charter, and in A and B it follows immediately upon the words 
of the Deed as read by Christ. In C, however, it occurs directly 
after the mention of Easter — hence, after the descent into hell and 
the Resurrection: 

521 Jje fest was of ioy & blyse 

Pasche-day called it ese 

J>e seles J?at J>e charter es seled with 
524 l7ai ware made at a smythe; etc. 

At first I thought the passage must have been on a loose page in C's 
original, which had somehow slipped in at the wrong place. But, 
though this may be the explanation, the lines immediately following 
appear to have been altered from what they were in B in order to 
unite with it closely, thus making the shifting seem intentional; 

C 557 >is charter Ijus celyd lewe I wyll l^e 

ware by J?u sail ay sekyr be 
My precious body, of the preste hande 

which compare with the corresponding lines in B ( 353-55 ) : 



XCll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

one indenture y left to the, 
where-of )?u shalt euer syker be 
In prestys handes my fleshe & blode 

If C purposely shifted the position of the description of the sealing, 
he lost rather than gained, since the proper place for it was after 
the reading of the Deed, more especially as the Deed was not sealed 
after the Resurrection but on the Cross : 

B217 Thes selys that it is selyd with [=C 523, etc.] 

they were made alle at a Smyth 
of gold ne Siluer were thei noght 
of Stile and yren were thei wroght 
with a spere of Stile myn hert was stonge 
222 thurf my syde & thurf my lunge 



225 with yren nayles they smyten me 

thurghe fete & handes on J>e rode-tre 
The selyng-wax was dere y-boght 

22^ at myn herte-rote it was sought, etc. MS. X. 



VEKACITY AND INTEE-KELATIONS OF MA:tTU- 
SCEIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER 

§ 1. The A-Text 

A study of the most important variations in the manuscript 
readings of Version A leads to the following conclusions : 

I. That G is the best manuscript, having preserved more 
of the readings of the common original than any other of the 
extant manuscripts. 

II. That there are, in A, two main groups, namely, G 
and IKFVHJLj the latter of which is subdivided into IK 
and FVHJL, and FVHJL again into FV and HJL. 

III. That none of these manuscripts can be shown to be 
a direct copy of another without the intervention of other 
copies. 

Slight variations in readings have not been considered in 
the present investigation, since the possibility of chance cor- 
respondence in minor details makes it unsafe to base con- 
clusions upon them. Evidence of the veracity of the various 
manuscripts, considered with reference to the text of the 
common original, and evidence of manuscript inter-relations, 
must alike be derived from the presence, in certain manu- 
scripts, of readings which we can ascertain to be spurious. 
The following lines afford evidence of this character, the 
decisive lines, containing clear errors, being distinguished 
by an asterisk from the corroboratory lines, which contain 
probable errors: 17*, 22*, 79*, 122*, 147*, 149*, 218*, 
and 12, 57, 76, 83, 84, 90, 206. 

We shall take up the decisive readings first in order. 

Line 17^: Correct, GIK. Spurious, FVHJL. Here the 

xciii 



XCIV THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

readings in FYHJL make no sense. The reference is not to 
Christ and mem, but to Christ alone. 

Line 22"^: Correct, GFVIK. Spurious, HJL. As in 
line 17, this reference should not include man, since Christ 
alone was received by the Virgin. 

Line 79'': Correct, GFVH (JL lacking). ^ Spurious, IK. 
Streyned to drye vpon a tre carries on the figure of parch- 
ment introduced at line 51, and contained in line 80, etc. 
To dethe destroys the figure. 

Line 122"^: It is necessary, in order to avoid confusion, 
to postpone the discussion of this line until the subgroups of 
the manuscripts are ascertained, since the decision made in 
regard to this reading affects the main groups only. See 
pp. c fi. 

Line i^7*; Correct, GFVH J. Spurious, IE. See the 
context, especially line 149. 

Line IJ^O"": Correct, GVHJ. Spurious, FIX. The word 
fyf^ refers, of course, to the fifth seal. Fyrst is a scribal 
blunder. Cf. for this line also p. cviii. 

Line 218'': Correct, HJ. Spurious, GFVIK. The orig- 
inal reading must have been as it is in HJ, white camelyn, 
since the reference is evidently to the skin of our Lord's 
Body. Moreover, three lines down, this camelyn is de- 
scribed as being ypoudred wi(> fyf roses red, the Five Wounds. 
Ked camelyn scattered over with red roses could hardly have 
been the picture in the mind of the author. The reading 
red camelyn may possibly have been due to a confusion, in 
the mind of some scribe, with the scarlet robe which the Jews 
(according to St. Matthew's Gospel) put upon Christ at the 
time of the mocking. He may have forgotten for the moment 
that the figure had reference to Christ's Body. Cf. also for 
this line pp. xcvii f. 

Corroboratory Headings. 

*As the text of MS. L comes to an end with line 62, L will not in 
future be accounted for in references to lines after that point. 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER XCV 

Line 12: Correct, GFVHJL. Spurious, IK, IK has 
altered the infinitive construction, which, judging from the 
context, is evidently intended. 

Line 51: Correct, GFVHJL. Spurious, IK. The word 
soper is more natural in a reference to the institution of the 
Sacrament than feste/ which is later applied to Easter (197, 
203). Here, it is probably a scribal alteration. 

Line 76: Correct, probably GFVH (J lacking). Spur- 
ious, IK. Tugged and tawed, as the more archaic reading, 
is likely to have been in the original. Cf . p. Ixxxi. 

Lines 83, 8 J/.: Correct, GFVH (J lacking). Spurious, 
IK. The alterations here were evidently introduced by the 
scribe of IK's source in order to refine the language. More- 
over, Mss. G and V use the word neh, which is changed in the 
other manuscripts to the less archaic neese and face. 

Line 90 Correct, GK (I unique) : red and < ; 

^ ^ ^ ( wen 

( Wan, how- 
wan, ^ 

ever, in H and K is not correct, as the rhyme shows). The 
scribes did not understand the meaning of luen, which was an 
unusual word.^ The meaning of wen I take to be, beautiful, 
good to look at; and red and wen here refers to the illumina- 
tion of the parchment. Bed is therefore more appropriate, 
in this connection, than hlach. 

Line 206: Correct, GFVIK. Spurious, HJ. ISTote the 
metre. 

InTow with regard to the veracity of the manuscripts, it is 
obvious from the above results that G is nearest to the origi- 

'^ Especially as Maundy Thursday is, in Latin, Coena Domini. 

' Cf . Bradley- Stratmann: wene [0. E. {or)-wdna, = Goth, (us-) wena; 
O. N. v^nn; 0. H. G. {ur-)wani] hopeful, beautiful. The only adjective 
use of this word quoted by B. S. is in the comparative degree; Syr 
Gawayne and the Grene Knight 945: wener \>en Wenore. In Morris's 
Glossary this word is traced from 0. N. vcen, O. Dan. wwn, and defined 
" fairer." 



XCVl THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

nal text, since it records the correct reading in Rye of the 
six decisive lines (I am excluding line 122), and in all the 
seven corroboratory lines, making together twelve out of 
thirteen cases.^ The other manuscripts follow in this order : 

Decisive Corroboratoby Total 





Lines 


Lines 




V 


4 


6 


10 


H 


4 


5 


9 


F 


3 


6 


9 


J'' 


3 


2 


5 


K 


2 


2 


4 


I 


2 


1 


3 


L» 


— 


2 


2 



Next, let us consider the inter-relations of the manuscripts 
of A. 

For purposes of convenience I wish first to show that, of 
the extant manuscripts, 

a) / and K have an original common to them alone. 

b) H, J, and L have an original common to them alone. 
It has been seen that mss. I and K agree in the erroneous 

readings of lines 12, 67, T6, 79*, 83, 84, 147*, against the 
rest. Other readings which they alone have in common are 
to be found in lines 1, 15, 28, 30, 45, 49, 73, 100, 121, 124, 
135, 158, 162, 163, 193, and 199. Moreover, both manu- 
scripts lack lines 69-72, lines 93-96, and lines 139-40 inclu- 
sive. These lines occur in all the others, with the exception 
of lines 69-72, which are also lacking in ms. /. In ms. J, 
however, lines 69-72 are only four in a block of missing text 
beginning at line 63 and ending with 90 ; so that there is. no 
significance in the absence of 69-72 from ms. J^ as far as 
MSS. / and K are concerned. Therefore it is clear that mss. 
/ and K are derived from an original common to them alone. 



* From this information it is clear that G would be the best ms. upon 
which to base a critical text of A. 
•Not a full text. 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHAETEE XCVll 

^'either of these manuscripts is a copy of the other, ms. 
K was not derived from ms. I, as is proved by lines 79*, 90, 
218*, and 231. ms. I was not derived from ms. K, for in 
K lines 63-66, and lines 201-202, are lacking; bnt they occur 
in I, as in G and the rest. 

Mss. H, J, and L have also a common original to which 
none of our other manuscripts may be traced. This is estab- 
lished by their agreement in the erroneous readings of lines 
20, 22*, and 206, in the latter of which ms. L is, of course, 
lacking, since it contains but sixty-two lines of text. H, J, 
and L agree against the other manuscripts also in the read- 
ings of lines 38, and 50 ;. and H and J in line 218*, where 
L is lacking. Their agreement in this line is of particular 
interest, since it represents a correction, made by the scribe 
of their common original, of an error traceable to the origi- 
nal of all the extant manuscripts ; cf . p. xcviii. Besides, in 
mss. H and J occur two lines immediately after line 230, 
which are not found in any of the other manuscripts.^ 

ISTeither H nor / could have been derived from L, which 
is only sixty-two lines in length. L was derived neither from 
H nor from J, as H lacks lines 34-37, and / lacks 29-32 and 
55-56 inclusive, all of which are to be found in L. H was 
not copied from J^ as J lacks 29-32, 55-56, and 63-90, which 
occur in FI ; and finally, / did not come from H_, since H 
lacks lines 34-37 inclusive, and lines 210 and 212, which 
J contains. All these omitted lines are to be found in G 
and the other manuscripts, as regular parts of the Charter. 

Passing now to the other manuscript relations, we have 
seen by the analysis of lines (pp. xciii ff.) the mss. GFVHJ 
(L) show correct readings against IK^s erroneous readings 
in lines 12, 57, 76, 79*, 83, 84, and 147*. But on exami- 
ning lines 17* and 90, we find that FVHJL in 17* agree in 
an erroneous reading, while G and IK are correct, and that 
in 90 FVH(JL) are erroneous and again G and IK are cor- 

« Namely, 230•-230^ 



XCVlll 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 



rect.'^ Further, we note that in line 218^, GFVIK agree in 
the erroneous reading, and HJL alone are correct. This is 
more clearly seen if put in the form below : 



COBBECT 



79* GFVH(JL lacking) 

147* GFVHJ(L) 

12, 57 GFVHJL 

76, 83, 84 GFVH(JL) 



against 

(C 



But 



n. { 



COBBECT 

17* GIK 

90 GK (I unique) 



and 



OOBBECT 

III. 218* HJ(L) 



against 



iNCOERECT 

IK 
IK 
IK 
IK 



Incobbect 

against FVHJL 

FVH(JL lacking)" 



Incobbect 
GFVIK 



Hence we see, from II., that FVHJL may be traced to a 
common original from which none of the other manuscripts 
is derived; and from I., II., and III., that ms. G contains 
no erroneous reading found in one group (either IK or 
FVHJL) which does not also occur in the other; for its only 
erroneous reading appears in line 218, under III., where IK 
and two manuscripts of FVHJL are also spurious. The fact 
that F and V record this error shows that it occurred in the 
original of the group FVHJL, and therefore that the reading 
of HJ(L) is a correction on the part of the scribe of their 
source. Here, then, we have evidence of the existence of an 
error in the common original of all the extant manuscripts of 
the A-text. 

' Here the scribe of / has altered the line so as to give a unique read- 
ing, but it does not invalidate the reading of his source, since the 
correct reading occurs in K — i. e. red instead of black. Wan in K is 
incorrect but the error is not significant in this connection. 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER XCIX 

Hence, up to this point, our evidence points to three main 
groups: G; IK; and FVHJL, in the last of which HJL 
forms a sub-group, as has already been shown. This evi- 
dence, however, is exclusive of what a consideration of the 
readings of line 122 may afford. But before dealing with 
the problem of line 122, it will be advisable to settle the 
relations of mss. F and V to each other and to their source. 

Since F and V belong to the group FY HJL, and since 
HJL forms a sub-group within this group, the question re- 
maining to be answered is, are these manuscripts, F and V, 
derived independently of each other from the common source 
of FVHJL, or are they grouped together by readings which 
assign them to a common source exclusively their own, which 
takes its origin from the source of FVHJLf That these 
two manuscripts do form a subgroup by themselves, is estab- 
lished by the readings of lines 6,^ 25, 68, 69, and 79*. Lines 
68, 69, and 79* by themselves would not be agreements of 
sufficient significance to prove the existence of the subgroup ; 
but line 25 is strong evidence. 

This line introduces another phase of the question, in that 
its readings point to a ISTorthern original for the mss. F and 
y. The original rhyme was ydo-fo (see mss. G, H, K and L. 

Mss. I and J, do-fo), F and V have the rhyme < , 

— a change which must have been due to a Northern scribe, 
presumably the scribe of their source, who evidently made 
the alteration because do-fa, the Northern forms, no longer 
made even an approximate rhyme. But compare with this 
the rhyme of 123-4, where V retains the Southern rhyme, 
while F has altered the line to obtain the Northern a to 
rhyme with ma: 

]>e thred I will no mare do swa 

]>e ferth dred god whare so ]?ou ga [ms. F]. 

^ See for this line also pp. cv ff. 



C THE MIDDLE EIs^GLISH CHARTERS OE CHRIST 

That V does not agree with F in this variant shows that the 
variant is by the hand of the scribe of F, and is not traceable 
to their common source. Hence, if the scribe of their source 
were a Northern man, he must have passed over some South- 
em forms without attempting to change them into his own 
dialect; possibly he was not skilful enough to do so. The 
scribe of F himself lets a number of such forms pass un- 
altered ; see lines 49-50 ; 209-10 ; 211-12. 

Ms. V was certainly not derived from ms. F, as is clear 
from the reading of 124, and from 48 (where F has altered 
for the dialect), 209, 210. That ms. F did not come from 
MS. V is probable from 15 (where F agrees with G) and 
certain from 23. In this last line the manuscripts read : 

G — By my manhede 
FHIKL — me my [or f>i] manhede 
y and J — (>OTw 

What must have happened is, that in the source of IKFVHJL 
the word me was substituted for By through a misreading, 
and that mss. V and / corrected the error, while the other 
manuscripts continued to copy it. 

Let us now consider line 122. The discussion of this 
line was postponed from page xciv, because the determination 
of the true reading here is a problem towards the solution 
of which little could be accomplished until we had ascer- 
tained the approximate relations of the manuscripts, and 
arrived at some conclusion with respect to their relative 
values as regards the preservation of true readings. Line 
121, which forms a couplet with 122, must be considered 
also, as the question of the rhyme is involved. 

A study of the different forms taken by these two lines in 
the various manuscripts shows that the original reading 
must have been either that of mss. I and K or that of ms. G: 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHAKTEE CI 

I. That oon lef ys shrift of herte 
That olpere for synne hert smert 

[from MS. K. I has made some 
slight changes.] 

II. That on lef is opon ® shryft 

That o]7er thin herte to smerte skyft 

[from MS. (?.] 

All the other manuscripts are clearly erroneous, since in none 
of them does the couplet rhyme: 

{0 lef is so]?fast schrifte 
]?e to]> ur is for synne herte smerte 

[from Mss. F, V, and fl".] 

Ms. / gives a variant of no importance, due doubtless to its 
own scribe: 

{]>at on it is so]?fastly schryfte 
\>ai other it is senne haue sorow 

E"ow, it is by an examination of the error in FVHJ(L) 
that we may hope to arrive at the true reading of line 122. 
For this error is manifestly due to one of two causes: its 
source was either a manuscript in which the phrase of hert 
was gone from line 121 in couplet I. above, leaving: 

That oon lef ys shrift 

That o]^ere for synne hert smert 

or its source was a manuscript in which the word shy ft was 
lost from line 122, leaving the following from couplet II: 

That on lef is opon shryft 
That olper thin herte to smerte 

Should the first cause be the true one, ms. G would share 

*In the original, this may have been so])fast, as in FVHJ{L). 



Cll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

the error of FVHJ(L)y since it too lacks the phrase of hert. 
The word opon in G^ and sof'fast in the other manuscripts, 
would be supplied to eke out the metrically defective line 
121. The word is, in mss. FV and J, could presumably be 
accounted for in the same way. And finally, the scribe of 
G, being, we will suppose, of a more inventive turn of mind 
than the other scribes, would have attempted to correct the 
rhyme on his own responsibility, whence 

That o]>er thin herte to smerte skyft. 

According to this explanation, mss. IK alone would have 
the true reading of line 122, and our manuscripts would fall 
into two main groups, ms. G being now united with FVHJ- 
(L) in a common error, as follows: 




But, assuming the second to be the true explanation, ms. 
G would be the only manuscript preserving a true reading 
of line 122. We must suppose, then, that IK and FVHJ(L) 
have a common error, due to the loss, in their source, of the 
word shy ft. In the source of IK and FVHJ{L), moreover, 
the defective line 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER Clll 

That olper thin herte to smerte 

has been altered, for obvious reasons, to 

That o]?ere (ys) for synne hert smert. 

The scribe of the source of IK has further added the phrase 
of hert to line 121, in order to correct the rhyme, and has 
cut out op on or so f> fast; but the scribes of FVHJ have left 
the rhyme false. Our manuscripts would then have the fol- 
lowing relations, with two main groups, G and IKFVHJL: 




Now, since (r is a fifteenth century manuscript, and mss. F 
and V are both of the fourteenth century, it follows that, as 
G is derived from a, the source of all the extant manuscripts, 
another manuscript (0) must have intervened between a and 
the source of IKFVHJL, in which the word shy ft was 
lost; because a) G contains shy ft and b) in the source of 
IKFVHJL line 122 was already corrupted, as is proved by 
the common reading of all these manuscripts. ^° 

" If MS. G did not copy directly from a, but from an early manuscript 
derived from a, this would not necessarily follow; since it would be 
possible, though hardly probable, that a might have lost the word skyft 
after the copy had been made from which G was derived. 



CIV THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETEKS OF CHRIST 




At lengtli, after having considered what is involved in 
assuming either of our couplets to be the reading of the 
original, I arrived at the conclusion that IK is spurious, and 
that MS. G alone records the true reading; because 

1) (t is our best manuscript. Whereas I and K have 
frequently been proved spurious in their readings, in no 
other instance of which we are certain has ms. G been found 
to err from the reading of the common original. 

2) It is more reasonable to suppose that the extraordinary 
line 122 in G 

That o]?er thin herte to smerte skyft ^^ 

was written by the hand of the author himself than to sup- 
pose that a scribe, at a loss for a suitable rhyme, was the 

" Certainly what the author meant to express here was one of the three 
parts of a true repentance — Contrition — which theologically, however, 
should come before shryft, the regular order being Contrition, Con- 
fession, Satisfaction. It is to be noted that ms. / does put Penance 
second, but this is not significant since / does not mention shryft at all, 
but for it substitutes love of hert; and since K has the same order as 
G, shryft first, then hert smert, or Contrition. 



MANUSCEIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER CV 

inventor of it. The word shyft, used in this abstract sense, 
is very rare. Indeed, the nearest approach to it that I have 
been able to find is in the Metrical Homilies (1325), line 61 : 
'^ Bot Godd that skilfulli can skift, mad them," etc., where 
shyft means to ordain^^ 

3) The expression shryft of hert in K is probably an 
emendation for the sake of the rhyme, since it is inaccurate 
as regards meaning, and can not have been what the author 
intended to express. This emendation we must trace to the 
source of IK, for the word shryft obviously belonged to the 
original. The scribe of I, perceiving the inaptness of shryft 
of hert altered it to hue of hert, as has already been pointed 
out. It must be remarked with reference to the reading in 
IK, that it is much more obvious as an emendation than that 
of G, and would naturally occur to a scribe confronted with 
the false rhyme shryft-smert, 

4) To assume that IK has preserved the correct reading 
is also to assume that our author was so clumsy as to use the 
word hert both in 121 and 122, which produces an unpleasant 
effect in reading the couplet. This is not in accord with his 
style in the rest of the poem. 

5) E'o objection can be taken either to the metre or to 
the rhyme of G 122. Indeed, metrically, G 122 is a better 
line than K 122 or 122 in any of the other manuscripts. As 
to the rhyme, shyft, as in ms. G, is probably a syncopated 
form of the present indicative, 3rd person singular,^^ having 
as its subject that o^er. 

Certain lines offering special difficulties must now be con- 
sidered separately. The first of these is line 6. Here we 
have what at first sight would seem evidence of contamination. 

" For this word see the Glossary. Its ordinary meaning is : to change, 
move away, assign, divide, in the concrete. 

^^Cf., for example, syncopated forms of verbs in t, d, s, occurring in 
the Troilus, Kittredge's Observations of the Language of Chaucer's 
Troilus {Chaucer Society, second ser. xxviii.) 220-1, § 95, as Uent, 
sent, last, lyst, put, etc. 



CVl THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETEBS OF CHRIST 

Ms. G reads with HJL: 

With treson and wythoute gult 
Ms. I: 

Wyth treson & also wit7i gylt 

Ms. K nearly the same : 

Wi)? trosonne and wi)? J?i gilt 
Ms. F: 

With tresone & with J?ine awen gylt 
Ms. V: 

With resoun and wi)? pin oune gnlt. 

But this situation can be explained without the necessity of 
assuming contamination. 

Manifestly, G and HJL are wrong as they stand, since the 
second half of the line flatly contradicts the first. The other 
readings are all possible, so far as sense goes. The readings 
of F, I, and K would mean that man's expulsion from Para- 
dise was because of treachery towards God, and was due to 
his own fault ; of V, that man was driven out with good reason 
and by his own fault. But if we assume the readings of any 
of these manuscripts to be correct, how can we account for 
the reading of HJL 9 Certainly contamination would not 
explain it, since the meaning of the line is spoiled instead of 
improved by the supposed alteration. The only possible ex- 
planation is that the scribe of the source of HJL was copying 
exactly what he found. In that case, the error must be 
traced back to a, the source of all the extant manuscripts. 
The original reading was undoubtedly not tresoun but resoun, 
and the line ran: 

With resoun and wythoute gylt 

i. e., that man was driven from Paradise for good reason and 
without injustice. The scribe of ct, or of some manuscript 



MAIS^USCRIPTS OF THE LOI^G CHAETER CVll 

perhaps even farther back, prefixed a / to the word resoun, 
very likely because the t of w* was near enough to confuse 
him. Hence ms. G's reading. The mistake was retained 
in 13 and 7 and again in 0. The scribes of e and f, however, 
emended the texts they found, since the reading puzzled 
them, as well it might. This would also explain the variant 
in 7. 

The readings of line 19 should be noted. All the manu- 
scripts but G, read forty weeks and forty days in referring 
to the period of time between the conception of Christ and 
His birth. Ms. G reads forty weeks saue 7. days, I am 
inclined to think that G is correct, and that the other manu- 
scripts record a corruption traceable to 7 or to ^. If we 
imagine " saue " written " s aue," with the s rather far from 
the other letters and pretty close to the preceding word 
(which ends in s), we can see how the scribe could have 
omitted to connect it with saue. The final e may very easily 
have looked like d. In some manuscripts it is impossible to 
tell the difference between e and d except from the context. 
'Next, there is the figure V., or the word fine (or fyfe, or 
fyue, or fife). The word may have been blurred all but the 
initial f, whence the scribe was left to conjecture as to the 
original. In that case, he may have written forty for the 
sake of the sound effect it would produce with the first 
forty; or simply as a guess, without thinking of the meaning 
he was conveying. I see no other explanation for this line.^* 

"In the Charter of the Ahhey of the Holy Ghost (of ms. Laud 210, 
printed by Horstmann, Richard Rolle i. 352) tlie period between the 
conception of Christ and His birth is reckoned as nyne and pritty ivekes 
d a day, or 274 days. Piei's the Ploicman B xvi. 100, gives fourty 
wokes. St. Augustine, De Trinitate Lib. iv. Cap. v. [Migne, Pat. Lat. 
XLii. col. 894], records it as 276 days: " Dixerunt enim: * Quadraginta 
et sex annis aedificatum est templum ' [St. John 11. 19]. Et quadragies 
sexies sent, fiunt ducenti septuaginta sex. Qui numerus dierum complet 
novem menses et sex dies, qui tanquam decern menses parientibus femi- 
nis imputantur: non quia omnes ad sextum diem post nonum mensem 



CVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

The next problem is that presented by the various readings 
of lines 29 to 37 inclusive. In 29, the pronoun he can be 
either singular or plural. We should expect a plural pro- 
noun throughout, referring to Belsehub and 8atanas in 27, as 
consistently in ms. V. G, F, and L, however, take the word 
he as singular, to judge from what follows, and continue to 
do so throughout, doubtless having Satan alone in mind, 
since two devils tempting Christ are not Scriptural. Ms. / 
leaves one in doubt; he is used in some lines, f'ei in others, 
but the possessives are all plural. H, J, and K vary ; H 
begins with the plural, and changes to the singular with line 
31. / does the same, changing however, at 35 to the singu- 
lar. K" is plural up to 33, when it too changes to the singu- 
lar form. On the whole, there seems to me no safe way of 
grouping the manuscripts according to the singular and 
plural readings of these lines. There is too much that might 
easily confuse a scribe ; the possibility of taking he in either 
way, and the danger of forgetting that two fiends are 
involved where but one would be expected. 

Another case of the same nature is to be found in the 
readings of line 149. Fyff> is certainly the true reading. 
The variant fyrst of mss. F, I, and K, I believe to be a 
natural error of the scribes of F and of the source of IK, 
who doubtless misread the word because they expected that 
after the enumeration Father and Son, God and Man, each 
seal would be more fully described, beginning with the first. 

Finally, there are certain agreements in the readings of 
manuscripts not grouped together, which may be attributed 
either to chance coincidence or to cross infiuence. I should 
attribute to chance coincidence the following: 

perveniunt, sed quia, ipsa perfectio corporis Domini tot diebus ad par- 
turn perducta comperitur, sicut a majoribus traditum suscipiens Eccle- 
siae custodit auctoritas. Octavo enim calendas aprilis conceptus 
creditur, quo et passus .... Natus autem traditur octavo calendas 
Januarias." 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER CIX 

K with L in line 4. 
H " IK in line 154. 
B. " r in line 172. 
F " Z in line 204. 
I " HJ in line 231. 

172 and 231, especially, are slips that might very naturally 
be made by two scribes on account of association of ideas. 
Tears and to weep are more closely allied than tears and 
to lete; paying smd dehts, more allied than paying and rent. 
Two other cases I do not feel sure of, namely, / and IK 
in lines 35 and 232. In 35, / may have altered maistroye 
to envye to rhyme with destrye, though it would seem as 
though he must have known of the form maistrye. Pos- 
sibly he changed cleyme to chalenge in 232 to get a dis- 
syllable. On the whole, I am inclined to believe that J and 
IK show merely chance agreement in these lines, since they 
do not agree in other readings where chance could not be the 
explanation. 

§ 2. The B-Text 

The veracity of the manuscripts of Version B is to be 
determined both by a comparison of their readings with the 
corresponding readings in Version A, and by such means as 
we have already made use of in the analysis of the manu- 
scripts of A. The inter-relations of the manuscripts, how- 
ever, present a much more complicated problem than we have 
had to deal with in the case of A, since here it is necessary 
to reckon with certain agreements in readings that seem at 
first sight to be due to contamination of manuscripts, but 
which appear, upon further analysis, to be due to other 
causes. We shall begin with the test for veracity. 

With the aid of the A-text, and in other ways when that 
source of information failed, I have found that in the follow- 
ing lines we can attain either an absolute or a reasonable 



ex THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

certainty as to the reading of the archetype of the various 

manuscripts of the B-text: 42'M2b*, 44*, 74*, 101*, 151-2*, 

167-8*, 170*, 172*, 194*, 196*, 200*, 210*, 214*, 227*, 

377*; and 121, 171, 186, 241. A comparison with readings 

in the A-text enables us to determine, in all but one of these 

lines, 101*, the original reading of B. Line 101 will be 

considered last: 

^^a.^^&*. = A-text 17-18. Correct, mss. C, E, and A, 

which preserve these lines. They are dropped by mss. B 

andZ.15 

W, 7^*, 172* ) -p ,, , ,. , ,. ^ , . 

7 0/* rQ«* i '* these lines the reading of A is 

preserved in mss. C and E only; though in 194* the corre- 
spondence with A is not exact, the reading of C and E is 
nearer to A than are the readings of the other manuscripts. 

151-2*: = A-text 75-76, preserved most nearly in A, B, D, 
and X. Lost in C and E. 

167-8*: = A-text 89-90. Correct, C and E, which pre- 
serve the rhyme word of the A-text. 

170*: = A-text 92, preserved in C and E. A, B, D, and 
X insert here, and D and X introduce ^^ I " in addition, 
which is also in C and E. 

200*: = A-text 118, preserved most nearly in (7. A, B, 
D, and X add else, E is spurious. 

210*: = A-text 128. The rhyme word of Version A is 
preserved in mss. A, B, D, and X. Spurious, C ^^ and E, 
though these do not agree. 

^jf^*;:=: A-text 132. C is nearest to Version A in this 
line. 

" Since the text of ms. D does not begin before line 69, D will not 
be mentioned in the discussion of lines earlier than this point. In the 
same way, mss. C and E will not be mentioned under lines in which 
they are lacking. C stops with line 248, and E frequently drops coup- 
lets and passages throughout the entire poem. 

"Ms. C has I sende, rhyming with he-hynde. 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LOIfG CHARTER CXI 

^^7*; = A-text 143. Correct, C, E, D, and Z. Spuri- 
ous, A, B, 

577*;iz=A-text 219, preserved in B, and imperfectly in 
E, B, and D (though B and D do not agree with E), Cf. 
p. cxv, for discussion of these readings. Spurious, A and X. 

Minor Lines, 

i^i; = A-text 61, preserved in 0. A, B, D, and X, 
insert onZi/. 

i7i; = A-text 93. Here ms. G^'s reading is preserved 
in C, E, and X, Spurious, A and 5. Ms. D is a combina- 
tion of the readings of C and E and A and 5. Cf . p. cxviii. 
iN'one of the other manuscripts of Version A agree with read- 
ings of Version B. 

i<§^; = A-text 106, preserved (with slight variation) in 
C and E only. 

2Jli.l : = A-text 155, preserved most closely in A, B, and D, 

101^ : = ih.Q word self in mss. C, E, and B, is the correct 
reading. Soul, in A, D, and X, is manifestly incorrect from 
the context. 

Summing up results, we find that out of a total of sixteen 
major and four minor readings. 





True Majob 


True Minor 






Readings 


Readings 


Total 


Ms. C has 


12 


3 


15 


Ms. E has 


11 


2 


13 


Ms. D has 


4 


1 


6 


Ms. B has 


4 


1 


5 


Ms. A has 


3 


1 


4 


Ms. X has 


3 


1 


4 



Ms. C is, therefore, our best manuscript as far as it goes, 
which unfortunately is only to line 248. It is not remark- 
ably well written ; there are lines omitted, evidently by acci- 
dent, here and there, as 16, 78, 110 ; and there are besides 



CXll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

some very bungling lines, as 9, 116, 152, 238. It needs to be 
corrected frequently by the aid of the other manuscripts. 
Ms. E is written with a very free hand. Consequently, 
in spite of its high rank in the list above, it is not to be 
depended upon for readings that cannot be tested by Ver- 
sion A or supported by ms. C or by mss. A, B, D or X, 
Moreover, E frequently drops couplets, and sometimes longer 
passages. The manuscripts, C and E together, are never- 
theless very valuable for constructing a critical text of Version 
B. Where they agree, they are almost invariably correct; 
and where they disagree, the preference should, generally 
speaking, be given to the version v/hich is supported by the 
other manuscripts. 

Let us now examine the manuscript relations of the B-text. 
In proportion to the length of the B version, there are fewer 
important variations among the manuscripts than in the 
A-text, if we except the unique readings of ms. E. I hope 
to show that B contains three groups, the first two being repre- 
sented each by a single manuscript, C and E respectively, 
to the latter of which Version C is particularly related, as 
will be explained in § 4. The third group comprises mss. 
A^ Bj D, and X. The difficulties presented by the read- 
ings of this group, together with the results I have reached, 
will be set forth in the succeeding paragraphs. 

From the analysis of lines above, it is evident that 
A, B, D, and X are differentiated from mss. C and E by the 
spurious readings of lines 44*, 74*, 167*, 170*, 172*, 194* 
(A is unique here), 196*, 200*, 214*, and 377*. Since in 
mss. C and E the readings of these lines agree with Version 
A, the source of ABDX is responsible for the changes in the 
four manuscripts.^''^ 

" Other lines in which the readings of ABDX vary from those of 
C and E, though we can not be certain as to whether they are spurious 
or correct, are these: 1, 61, 182, 281, and 301 (partially). I have pur- 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LOI^G CHARTER CXlll 

That C and E belong to different groups of Version B is 
probable from the fact that they do not agree in any reading 
that we can recognize as spurious. -"^^ Such agreements as 
these manuscripts show (and they are many) are uniformly 
in readings which we have ascertained to belong to the com- 
mon original. 

It is evident that C was not derived from E, for C does not 
share the peculiarities of E which unite that manuscript to 
Version C, nor does it bear marks of the editing for which E 
is so conspicuous, but keeps pretty close to the text, as a com- 
parison of its lines with those of ABDX and of Version A 
will show. Also, while E drops many couplets and longer 
passages at times, C gives the whole text as far as line 248, 
except for a single line accidentally dropped in one or two 
cases. 

posely omitted to mention the readings of 233 and 240. In 233, fifth is, 
of course, the correct reading, but it would have been very easy for 
any scribe to have written first, thinking that each point in the enu- 
meration of the seals just preceding was to be separately dealt with, 
so that it is not safe to use this line as basis for classification. In 
240, since my and ]>y could have been interchangeable, a scribe might 
easily have made a mistake here. 

^^ The nearest approaches to such agreement are: a) 225, where E 
reads thre nayles and C \>e nayles, the other manuscripts having yren 
nayles. But I believe this is explained hj a y being read ]>, and the 
stroke over the e being omitted in a manuscript betAveen E and the 
source; and in C, the likeness to E is probably coincidence. The matter 
is too uncertain to rely on, especially as the three nails v^^ere a well 
known sjonbol of the Passion, b) 151-2, where, though C and E are 
both erroneous (Cf. Version A and ABDX), they do not agree in their 
readings of the lines. Each seems to have altered independently, per- 
haps because two very similar lines occur a little later, 155-6. c) Both 
C and E have but two Latin rubrics (though only one in common) of 
those which occur at intervals in the A-text; ABDX has retained five. 
E has written its rubrics not in the text, but in the margin, and has 
altered one of them from Hoc facite in meam commemoracionem to 
memoriam fecit miraMlium. suorum.. The second, vos omnes qui 
transitis per viam, etc., was so common that the fact of C and E's both 
having retained it proves no relationship between them. It is a fre- 
quent theme in the Complaints of Christ. 



cxiv 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST 



That E was not derived from C is plain, since C gives 
but 248 lines of text. 

The manuscript relations, as ascertained up to this point, 
may therefore be represented thus: 




Let us now examine the manuscripts of ABDX more par- 
ticularly. In some of the lines of this group it is difficult to 
distinguish true from spurious readings ; but we are enabled 
to detect many of them by a comparison with the readings of 
Mss. C and E, and also of ms. R of Version (7, which, as I 
have said (p. cxii), is closely related to E. Since in the fol- 
lowing discussion of ABDX and its subdivisions, as well as 
in § 3, I shall frequently have occasion to refer to ms. 
R to corroborate or to disqualify the readings of ms. E, I here 
refer the reader to § 4 where R and E are shown to be de- 
rived from the same manuscript ( 7 ) , and proceed now as if 
this were already established. 

AX agree against B and D in the following readings : 

1) 20^-20^*: These two lines, as has been pointed out, 
were probably in the original, since both C and ER record 
them. B contains them, but A and X omit them. 

2) 112: The variants of the manuscripts here suggest 



MANUSCEIPTS OF THE LOK^G CHAETER CXV 

that the reading in ms. P was blurred. AX read loTce ye 
hem. precJie, B and B read I pn&y you pern pTeche; while ms. 
C reads / hydde )ou hem pTeche, E is very different, and 
B does not give the line. I believe that C has the original 
reading, as there seems no good reason for the variants in 
AX and B and D. 

3) 126: The correct reading here is in B and D; cf. 
Mss. C and R (E omits the line). AX probably represent 
an attempt to improve the metre. ^^ 

4) 150: The original reading would seem to be that of 
B and D, since C and B both agree with these manuscripts. 
AX altered the line by crosssing out forth, though the metre 
is not improved by the emendation. 

5) ^77*; Here all the manuscripts of ABDX are in 
error, cf. Version A, and mss. E and B, It would seem as 
though the wr of wro^te were obscured or lost in ^. AX^s> 
source (which we shall call 0) attempted to correct the error 
with hetought, whence ms. X. The scribe of A substituted 
tow^te, and struck out me. The scribes of B and D did not 
attempt an emendation. 

From these cases, it is evident that mss. A and X agree 
in the common errors of lines 20'^-20^* (dropped by AX), 
126, 150, 377*, the last three being lines emended by the 
source of AX from the reading of /3. Moreover, line 112, 
while not offering proof of certain error, nevertheless sup- 
ports the evidence for a subgroup AX within ABDX. As 
to the other two manuscripts, B and D, it is doubtful whether 

" A word should be said regarding the readings of line 300. Rest to 
my head for to make is the reading of B, D, and E, while AX (hence 
its source) has icTiereof to make in place of for to make. At first sight, 
it would seem as though AX's version were that of the original of the 
B-text, since the corresponding line 78, in Version A, reads my testa- 
ment whereof to make. But I believe that Version B's original reading 
was for to make, because: a) E agrees with B and D in this reading, 
and b) for to make would be a poor alteration, whereas whereof to 
make might easily suggest itself to the scribe of AZ's source from the 
line preceding. 



CXVl THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

they were derived separately froir 8, or from an original 
common to them alone. The only evidence for the latter 
supposition would be line 112; but here we are on very 
doubtful ground, for it would have been natural for B and 
D separately to have applied the word pray to fill the sup- 
posed gap in their source. It must be noted that the word 
order in B and D is the same as that in C; this is not the 
case with the word order in AX, which makes the corre- 
spondence in these two manuscripts much more significant 
than that in B and D. On the whole, I am inclined to re- 
gard B and D as having no relation except through ^. 

If my analysis of the manuscripts holds, we may represent 
the relations of the versions as in the diagram below. For 
convenience, ms. R (Version C) is included in this plan. 
I am assuming here that within the group ABDX no manu- 
script is derived from another. For the proof of this, see 
p. cxx. 




R 
Vereiijn C 



Certain cases of readings which do not accord with this 
analysis must be examined. These I cite below, with such 
explanations of the diSiculty involved as I am able to offer: 

A) The agreement of X with 5 in a common error. 



MANUSCEIPTS OF THE LOiS'G CHAKTEK CXVll 

16: B and X are in error, reading that ye may (or now) 
know in all your thought. C omits the line. E, R, and A 
read: may (or most) keep. Here A probably emended know 
to keep to make better sense. 

Jif2^-Ji.2^^: B and X have both dropped these lines. A 
retains them. They were in the common original (cf. Ver- 
sion A and mss. C, E, and B where the lines have been 
altered; see p. ex). The fact that they are redundant may 
have led B and X independently to omit them. 

B) The agreement of A and 5 in a common error. 
227*: This line offers peculiar complications. Mss. A 

and B agree in a common error, but they are not exactly 
alike. A reads The sesynge wax was dere y-how^t, and B, 
The sesynge was dere y-hoght. The correct reading occurs 
with unimportant variations in all the other manuscripts, The 
selyng wexe was dere a-bought.^^ I would suggest the follow- 
ing explanation : ms. S read The sesyng wax, ms. and ms. A 
the same. Ms. X corrected the obvious blunder sesyng to 
selyng, as did D, while B emended erroneously by dropping 
the word ivax. Such an explanation obviates the necessity 
of supposing contamination in this line. 

C) The agreement oi A, B, E, and R against C, D, and X. 
I4O: The simplest explanation of the line I believe to be 

this : the original reading was And alle myn frendys sone me 
forsoken. C emended to And alle myn frendys me sone 
forsokn. The source of E and R (7) emended by dropping 
sone to make the line smoother. /? retained the original 
reading, followed by D, 6, and X. A and B, however, 
emended in the same way that 7 did, by omitting sone, 
which is the most obvious thing to do. 

D) The agreement of A, B, and C against E, (i?), and X. 
21: MSS. A, B, and C read without great strife, E, R, 

" Ms. E reads : This selynge was dyre y-howght, but R records the 
regular version. 



CXVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 

and X read withouten strife. I would suggest here that the 
older reading may be that of E, R, and X, and that the 
other manuscripts, independently of each other, inserted 
great for metrical reasons, since unless the word without is 
regarded as having three syllables, the line will not scan. 

60: C, A, and B read for to helpe the was all my thought; 
E and X, the to helpe (E\ euer was; X, ivas al) my thoght. 
B is unique and quite different. Since the correspondence 
between E and X is not exact, the readings of these two 
would seem to be independent emendations for the sake of 
the metre. Moreover, as there is little likelihood that the 
line, as it stands in E and X, would have been altered to the 
other form, the original reading is probably that of Cj A, 
and j5. 

E) The three readings A and B; C, E, and X; and D. 
171 : The correct reading is probably Ye men that go forth 

hy the way,^^ in C, E, and X. A and B have here instead 
of forthj while D has fo7'th here. The explanation might 
be that /?, after having written forth, preferred here, and 
set it down right after forth, with a faint line through the 
rejected reading. and D did not see the line and copied 
both words. B did see it and rejected forth. A and X 
emended the reading of ^separately, one choosing here and 
the other forth. 

F) E' and 5 against ADX. 

101^: The correct reading here is obviously that of C, E, 
and B : my self, and not my soul. The error soul must have 
appeared in P. B independently emended the line by re- 
storing self. 

287: The original reading of this line (see ms. E^^ and 

'^See MS. Q, A-text. 

^ It will be obvious that we cannot depend upon ms. E here, nor 
indeed upon any of the mss., for the correct reading of the pronoun. 
The word suffered is the reading with which we are concerned in this 
line. 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LOI^G CHARTER CXIX 

the context) was probably The pains that she suffered were 
full smert. Ms. /3 introduced a spurious reading, The pains 
that I had, mistaking the author's meaning, and wishing to 
use a different expression from that employed just above 
in line 281. He may have taken line 287 to be merely a 
repetition of 281. B corrected this to the pains that she 
suffered, using the word suffered from line 281 again, and not, 
as I believe, from ms. E. 

G) The agreement of -E' (R) and A against B, D, and X. 

S12: Here ms. A reads thou shalt stand on my right hand, 
with MS. E, against thou shalt he soothly on my right hand 
of B, D, and X. Ms. B does not help us here, as it is quite 
different: On my reght hand wend sail he. 

370 : The true reading would seem to be that of E, R, and 
A, which gives the better interpretation to the author's 
thought. The emendation will in B, D, and X, instead of 
belief, was doubtless made for metrical reasons in yS A may 
have independently altered this to improve the sense; the 
change would have been a natural one to make. 

It will be observed from this analysis that we have nothing 
except lines 42^2^ and 312, to weaken our general argument 
for the manuscript divisions. I have suggested an explana- 
tion of 42^-42^ ; but it must be acknowledged that one could 
understand better the omission in B and X of the following 
two lines, 43-4, on the ground of redundancy, than of these 
two. I cannot, however, accept manuscript contamination 
as the explanation in these cases ; for if B and X are examples 
of cross influence here, why not in other lines ? If the scribe 
of X were using B, why did he not emend his plain error 
in line 101 ; and why, if the scribe of B were using X, does 
his text contain the error of 227 ? The same may be said 
regarding the readings of 312. If J. were influenced by E 
here, why not also in 101 and 227 ? In the same way, it 
will be evident from all the lines discussed above as offering 



CXX THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

special difficulty, that we cannot detect any case of a manu- 
script showing consistent contamination by another manu- 
script. Hence we are forced to conclude that, even in the 
cases of lines 42^-42^ and 312, cross influence is not a factor, 
and that these two must be added to the list of coincident 
readings. 

It is now possible to show that no manuscript of Version 
B is derived directly from another. 

iN'either B nor D was derived from A or X, as is shown 
6y the lines 20^-20^ 31 (for B), 377*. N'either A nor X 
was derived from D, as is obvious from D'^ lack of lines 1-68. 
A was not derived from B, since B omits lines 42^-42^, which 
A has, and which were in/9; nor was X derived from B — 
fcee lines 101, and 203 (where B has made an emendation 
and X retains the common error of Version B and certain 
manuscripts of Version A. See p. cxxi for full discussion 
of this line) . Finally, X was not derived from A, as we see 
from lines 16, 140, and 203 ; nor did A come from X, as is 
shown by 42^-42^ and 167. 



§3. Eelation of THE Parent Manuscript of Version B 
TO Version A. 

It is probable that the source of Version B had its origin 
either in that A manuscript which was the source of IK and 
FVHJL, or in a manuscript derived from it. For by line 
44, we see that the B-text does not possess the common error 
of HJL 22 ; and by 376, that it has not corrected the erro- 
neous reading red, which HJL has done.^^ Again, in 53, 
Version B does not contain the error of FV 25 ; and in 42^ 
it lacks the spurious reading of FVHJL 17. Moreover, in 
171 it contains the word forth, which is dropped by the source 

*'It will be remembered that HJL emended to the true reading 
white in this line. 



MAI^USCEIPTS OF THE LOI^G CHARTER CXXl 

of FVHJL, but which belonged to the original line (93) as 
is shown by ms. G. Hence Version B does not derive from 
any manuscript of FVHJL. 

^ext, as B shows no agreement with IK in its important 
divergences from the other A manuscripts, namely in lines 
28, 30, 45, 49, 57, 73, 76, 83-4, 94, 100, 147, 158, 162, 193 
(=B56, 62, 81, 87, 103, 140, 152, 161-2, 172, 180, 231, 
244, 248, 345), it cannot have been derived from that group. 

Finally, B 203 does not agree with ms. G in the reading 
of line 122 (where G alone has the true reading), but shows 
the common error of IKFVHJL, in that it records the false 
rhyme of FVHJL, schrift — smert {IK having altered this to 
hert — smert). One point, however, must be noted in this 
connection. Mss. A, B, (and B,^^ of Version C) have 
emended this line so as to rhyme hert and smert as was done 
by IK; see A and B 203-4, and R 277-8. B in particular 
has made a much better couplet by putting smert in the first 
line instead of hert, and combining hert with soro in the 
second line. (See pp. c ff. for comparison with the A-text 
on this couplet. )^^ From the above facts, then, we infer 
that Version B was not derived from the common source of 
G and the other manuscripts of Version A (a). 

Since B is not derived from ms. G or its original, or from 
either one of the subgroups IK and FVHJL, its source must 
be a non-extant text which was derived, directly or indirectly 
according to the foregoing evidence, from the source of the 
subgroups IK and FVHJL. This may be represented as 
follows : 



** See p. cxiv, where my reason is given for citing the readings of 
i? before showing its relation to Version B. 

^ This line is not evidence of contamination of mss., since the 
emended readings in A, B, and B do not agree with each other, nor 
with those of IK. 



CXXll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 




Certain sporadic common readings of manuscripts of the 
three groups may be noted. They do not, I believe, show 
contamination, since there are no other proofs of cross in- 
fluence between Versions A and B or A and C. They seem 
to be due merely to coincidence. The most important, 
perhaps, is the agreement between E 168 and FVH{JL) 90, 
in the reading hlach instead of re^. Other slight agreements 
are: 



^86 
E 290 

(EBD 300 

1 Version C, ms. E 458 
Various B mss. 138 
Version C, ms. B 352 
Version C, ms. R 5S6 

( Version C, ms. R 523 

1 Version B, ms. E 217 



with Version A, F 48 



all mss. 182 
J 178 

various mss. 72 
J 182 
J 146 

J 135 



MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHAETER CXXlll 

§ 4. Relation of Version C to Version B. 

We shall now consider the relationship of Version C, or 
MS. Eojal 17. C xvii.^ to the manuscripts of the B-text. 

Version C (or ms. J? as I shall call it here to distinguish 
it from MS. C of Version B), traces its descent from a B 
manuscript which was closely related to the source of ms. E ; 
for E and R are the only manuscripts containing the following 
lines : 

£fl6a-16d =i^ 17-20 

E 28^-28^ = R 35-38 ; 41-44 

J57l52a-152d =E 209-10; 213-14. 

Moreover, E and R record common errors in 



E 151-2* 


— R 207-8 


E 200* 


= i^274 


E210 


— E284 


E212 


— R 286 2< 


E217 


— E523 



as may be seen by comparing these readings with those of 
Version A, and with those of the other manuscripts of B. 
E and R show coincident readings not distinguishable either 
as errors or as true readings, but not found in the other 
manuscripts, in lines : 



EU6 


— R1S7 


£'281 


— E357 


£^301 


= E459 



Slight agreements also exist between E and R, as in R 
280 = E20Q:R584: = E 380. 



" This line is proved to be a common error by the agreement of C and 
AB{D)X in another reading. 



cxxiv 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 



R is an unreliable manuscript, because its scribe, or the 
scribe of some source of R, has in numerous instances dealt 
very freely with the text. See, for example, lines 24, 30, 
45, 46, 89, 90, 108, etc. On the other hand, sometimes R 
will seem to be correct where E is apparently incorrect. R 
is a valuable manuscript for the purpose of checking the 
readings of E, particularly in those lines that are lacking 
in C ; for (in the last part of the poem) where a reading 
in R agrees with ABDX, but not with E, we may feel 
reasonably sure that R is correct and E is not ; and vice versa. 

R shows one or two coincident readings with ABDX, but 
they are insignificant, the most important being in line Y6, 
where R agrees in part with ABX 44 against C and E,^'^ 

The following is a list of such interpolations made by 
Version C in the B-text as we have not yet noted in other 
connections. 



Narrative additions 

49-62 

86-88 

189-90 

193-204 

219-224 , 

227-234 

237-238 

263-256 

337-348 

601-510 



Didactic and moral additions 

Dealing with Seven Sacraments 

291-314 
Dealing with the Eucharist 

560-64 
Dealing with Penance 

595-96 



"The others are, R 118 with X IQ-, R 358 with A 282. 



The Texts 



OF 



The Charter of Christ 



In printing the texts, no attempt has been made at emenda- 
tion, except in a few instances, recorded in the footnotes, where 
scribal errors are unmistakable. Very few marks of punctuation 
appear in the manuscripts. In some, for example ms. Add. 
11307, periods occur at the end, and sometimes in the interior, 
of the lines ; ut as these marks do not appear with regularity 
the editor has ignored them for the sake of consistency. Dots 
over y are also ignored. Capitals, except in two or three cases 
where they occur in the middle of a word, are retained. Certain 
apparently meaningless tails after various letters, such as those 
sometimes after / and t in mss. Harl. 2346 and Ash. 189, are 
not represented; nor are strokes crossing II and h — except in 
Ihc which is expanded in the usual manner. Other strokes and 
curls are expanded according to the editor's understanding of 
the symbols. In mss. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9., Bod. C. 280, and 
sometimes in Harl. 237, y and ]> are written alike : in these cases 
J> has been printed when it properly occurs. The Latin rubrics 
occurring at intervals in the poems are represented in a uni- 
form type in the printed texts, whether illuminated, underlined, 
or left unmarked in the mss. The numbering of the lines in 
the Long Charter is made, for purposes of convenience, to cor- 
respond to the numbering in the E. E. T. S. edition. 



MANUSCEIPTS 



OF 



THE SHOKT CHARTER 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Fol. 2 



Sloane 3292. 
Magna Carta de libertatibus Mundi 



a Ihesus Christ his Charter great 
b That blond & water so did sweat 

And had his Heart I-wounded sore 

To saue Mankinde for euermore 

Christ hath cancelld the writt of Mans dett 

And by this Charter him free hath sett 

Warrantizatio 



Nouerint presentes & futuri 

Wat yee now all that be heere 
and after shall be leif and deere 
That I Ihesus of Nazareth 
for Lone of Man hane suffered death 
Uppon the Cross with wounds fyue 
Whilest I was heere on Earth alyue 

Dedi et Ooncessi 

I haue geuen and made a graunte 
to all people repentant 
Heauens Bliss without ending 



17 And if any one shall say now 
that I dyed not for mans prow 
Eather then Man should be forlorn 

20 Yet would I be eft all to-torne 



In cuius rei testimonium 

29 In wittnes of the which thinge 
Myne owne seale there-to I hing 
and for the more sikernes 
the wounde on my syde is 

Datum apud Hierusalem 

This was geuen at Calluery 
34 the first ^ day of the great mercy 

Hijs testihus 

21 Wittnes the day that turnd to night 
the Sonn that then withdrew his light 
Wittnes the Earth ]>at ^ then did quake 
and stones great ]?at ^ in sonder brake 

25 Witnes the Vaile that then did ryue 
and men that rose from dead to lyue 
Witnes my Mother and St John 

28 and other then their many one 

E & B^ 

on strap 
M^ Lambert a Justice of Peace in Uppon the other si[de o]f the seale 

Kent found this on a grauestone in seal there was should be a P[e]l[ican pick- 
an Abby in Kent bearing date ^° heart within^^^'^S her bloo[d] for* 
Dni 1400 a Copie whereof was geuen 
to Mr Humfry Windham of Winse- 
combe in the county of Somerset. 



Habendum 

10 As long as I am Heauens King 

Redendo 

11 Keap I no more for all my smart 
but the true Loue of all thy hart 
and that thou be in Charety 

and Loue thy Neighbour as thyself 
15 this is the Eent thou shalt giue me 
as to the Cheif Lord of the See 



a circle 



* First written great, but corrected by the same hand. 

'Or D? *The last part is entirely illegible. 



^ p instead of ]>. 
Cf. p. XX, 



THE SHOKT CHARTER 

Stowe 620. 
Magna Carta de libertatibus mundi 

Fol. IV-W 

e Crist hathe cancelled the writinge of mens dette 

f and by the great charter him free hathe sett 

1 Sciant presentes et futuri Wetys now all that are here 

And after shal be leife and dere 

that y Yesus of nazarethe 

for lone of manne haue suffred deathe 
5 Vppon a crosse with woundes fyne 

Wliilst y was manne yn yerthe one lyue 

Dedi et concessi 

Y haue gyf en and made a graunt 

to all that askes yt^ repentant 

hevin blysse without endinge 
10 as longe as y ame there kinge 

kepe y no moore for all my smarte 

but true love manne of thyne harte 

and that thowe be in charite 

and love thy neighboure as y love thee 
15 this is the rent thow shalt gyue me 

as to the cheif lorde of the fee 

Warantizdbo gyf any mane will saye now 

that y ne haue died for manne his prowe 

rather ther 2 manne sholde be forlorne 
20 yet wold y eft be all to-torne 

Hijs testibus Witnesse the day that toorned to nighte 

and the sonne that withdrew his lighte 

Witnesse the yerthe that then did quake 

and stoones great that in sonder brake 
25 Witnesse the vayle that then did Eyue 

and men that roose from deathe to lyue 

Witnesse my muther and Seint Johne 

and others that were there many one 

In cuius rei testimonium. 

Jn witnesse of the wliiche thyng 
30 Myne owene seale therto J hynge 

and for the more seckernesse 

the wounde of my syde the seale yt is 

Data &c. this was yeven at Calvarye 
34 the first daye of great mercye 

cor charte appensum rosei Spreta morte tui solus id 

vice cerne sigilli egit amor 

* Space for another word is left Just before this word in the MS. 
' Should be than or then. 



6 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

Matris ut hec pro- ther vnder nethe in the corner 

prio Stirps est sa- seal is the olde pointed seale with- 
crata cruore Pascis ;^g^^^ within ^^ ^^^^ Charter was sett downe 
item proprio Xpe . was a pellicane a pickinge 

cruore tne ^ circle jj^r brest and with bloode 

flowinge Her yonge one in the 
nest with the verses about her 

vt pellicanus fit patris sanguine sanus 
sic nos salvati sumus omnes sanguine nati. 

Legend on the Seal : De charta redemptionis humane sigillum 
saluatoris domtni nostii lesu christum. 



Add. Chaeteb 5960. 
Noverint Universi Presentes et futuri 

Weetis all that bee heere 

Or that shall bee leife and deere 

That I lesus of Nazereth 

ffor mankinde have suffered death 
5 Upon the crosse with woundes five 

Whilest I was man on earth alive 

Dedi et concessi 

I have geoven and doe grattnt 

To all that aske in faith repentaunt 

Heavens blisse wtthouten endinge 
10 So longe as I am their King 

Keep I noe more for all my smart 

but the true love of thy hearte 

And that thou bee in charitie 
14 And thy neighbour love as I love thee 

Warrantizo 



17 If any man dare to say 
That I did not his debt pay 
Rather then man shall bee forlorne 

20 Yett would I oft bee all to-torne 
his testihus 

Witnesse the Earth that then did quake 
And stonys great that in sunder brake 
Witnesse the day that turnd to night 
And the cleere sun that lost his light 



THE SHOET CHARTER 

25 Witnesse the vaile that then did rend 

And graves which their tenantys forth did send 

Witnesse my moder and St Ihon 

And bystanders many a one 

In cuius rei testimonium 

ffor furder witnes who list appeale 
30 To my heere vnder-honged seale 

ifor the more stable surenesse 

this wound in my hearte the seale is 

Datum 

yeoven at Calvary 
34 The first day of the great mercie 
{strap and seal) 



CHS IHS 

factum est cor meum 
tanquam cera liquesu 
[sic] Psal 22: 13(?) 
[cf. Vulg. Psal. 21: 

fMary Mother of God ") 
Sealid & deliuered J Mf».ry Cleophe Ita fidem 

in ye presence of 1 Mary lacobi " facimus 

I John ye disciple 

Long[i]nus Centurion 
Cor 



' Matthew 
Marke 
Luke 
lohn 



charte appen- 
sum rosei vice 
cerne sigilli spreta 
morte, tui solus id 
egit amor. 



Notarij 
publici 



Readings of Harl. 6848 exclusive of diflferences in capitalization: 
1) be 2) shal beleife 3) Nazareth 4) Mankind; suffred 5) cross; 
woundis 6) whilst; upon 7) yeoven; do 8) unto 9) bliss; ending 
10) long 11) no; smarte 12) my; heart 13) That omitted; be; 
Charitee. Warrantize. 19) than shal be 20) yet; be 21) Witness 
22) that did 23) Witness; turned 25) Witness 27) Witness 29) 
Witness 30) here underhanged 31) sureness 32) wounde; heart. 
In the attestation, Mary is spelled Marie; some of the words " Sealed 
and delivered," etc., are missing in the rotograph. CHS appears 
instead of IHS, and the remainder of the writing on the strap is lack- 
ing. Chartae appears instead of Charte. 



8 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

Add. 37049. 

Fol. 23» 

Sciant presentes & futuvi 

Wete now al ]>at ar here 

And after sal be lefe & dere 

pat I Ihesus of na^areth 

ffor luf of man has sufferd deth 
6 Opon J?e cross with woundes fyfe 

Whils I was man in erth on lyfe 

Dedi & concessi 

I hafe gyfen & made a grannt 

To al ]>at asks it repenta'wnt 

Heuen blis with-outen endy?ig 
10 Als lang as I am J?air ky ng 

Kepe I no more for al my payne ^ smert 

Bot trew Inf man of ]>i hert 

And at )?ou be in charite 

And luf pi neghboi^r as I Inf ]?e 
15 pis is ]?e rent fou sal gyf me 

As to pe chefe lord of l?e fe ^ 

If any man wil say now 

pat I ne hafe dyed for mans prow 

Eather or man suld be forlorne 

20 jit wald I eft be al to-torne 
Hijs testihus 

23 Witnes J?e erth J?at )?a/i dyd qwake ^ 

24 And stones gret pat sonder brake 

25 Wittnes J?e vayle pat pan did ryfe 

26 And men pat rose fro ded to lyfe 

21 Witnes pe day pat turned to nyght 

22 And pe son pat withdrewe his light 

27 Witnes my moder & sayn Ion 
And oper pat wer per many one 
In cuius rei testirD.oniwo[i 

In witnes of whilk J^inge 
30 My awne seal perto I hynge 

And for pe more sikirnes 
32 pe wounde in my syde pe seal it is 
a With perchyng sore of my hert 
b With a spere J?at was scharpe 
Datura 

pis was gyfen at Caluery 
34 pe fyrst day of pe gret mercy &c 

* A word has been stroked through before payne. 
'MS. fe supplied in the margin by the same hand. 
^MS. quxike written twice, the first occurrence of the word being 
§troked through. 



THE SHOET CHARTER » 

Harl. 116. 
Pol. 97b 

Sciant present es & futuri &c 

wetys ye now all ]>at ^ bene here 

And aftyr shall ben leef & dere 

That I ghesus of Nazareth 

ffor luf e of mane hane sofurde dethe 
5 Vpone the crosse with wonndis fife 

Whilis I was man here one lyfe 

dedi & concessi &c 

I haue^ yevyne and made a graunt 

To all that askys me repentannt 

hevene blisse wtt/ioiite endyng 
10 As long as j am ]>q ^ Kynge 

Kepe j no more for my smart 

but trulofe man of )?i harte 

And that ]?ou be in charite 

And luffe ]>i neyghbure as j do the 
15 This is the rente )?ou shalt gyfe me 

As * to the chef e lord of the f re 

jf any mane woU say now 

pflt j ne haue done for mannes prow 

Eathere thane mane shnlde be forlorne 
20 jit wolde j all ^ be efte to-torne 

Testibus Ms &c 

Witnesse the day that turnede to nyght 

Ande the sonne withdrew his lyght 

Witnesse the erth that gane quake 

And stones gret ]>ai sondure brake 
25 Witnesse )?e vaile that gane rife 

And mene that rose fro dethe to lyfe 

Witnesse my modyr and saynt Johne 

And other ]>at wer ther many one 

In cuius rei testimonium. &c 

In witnesse of the same thinge 
30 Myselfe J?erto forsoth j hynge 

And for the more sikernesse 

My herte wounded the sele it is 

Data etc 

This was yolvyne ^ at caluarie 
34 The firste day of grete mercye 

Carta Redempcionis humane- ^ 

* Ms. yt. * Final meaningless curl on this word. 

»Ms. y\ *Ms. vsf ^ Added above the line. 'Or yowyn. 

'' The rubrics are in red ink throughout, as well as the colophon. 



10 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

Add. 24343. 
IHC 

Fol. 6^ 

8iant ^ presentes & futuri &c 

Wittnes now al that bene here 
And eftere schall be leve and dere 
That I ihesus of nazareth 
ffor the lone of mane than tholed deth 
5 Apon the crose with woundes fyve 
Qwan I was yn e[r]th of lyve 

DM & Concessi 

I hane gyne and mad a graunte 
To all that askes now with repentans 
Heuenys blis with-outtyn endynge 
10 Als longe as I ame euer ther kenge 
I aske no more of the for my smertte 
Bot the trew lone mane al of th[i] herte 
And that )?ou lyve yn charite 
And lone thi newghpnre als I do the 

15 This is the rent thn schall gene me 

16 Als for the cheyff lord al of the ffee 
a With sore woundis & grevanse 

b Thi lone I bought with scheld & lannce 

17 Gyve my mane will sai nowe 
That I ne died for manes prowe 
Or manes saule schnld be lorne 

20 Ofte I wold be al too-torne 

Fol- 7* hijs Testihus 

Wittnes the day tnrnned too noghtte 
The sone withdrew his lightte 
Wittnes the erth that gane quake 
And stonnes grete that gane brake 
25 Wittnes the wale that gane ryve 

And mene that rose frome deth to lyne 
Wittnes my moder & sain[t] lohn 
And vder that wer ther mony one 

[In cujus rei testimonium'] ^ 

Y[n] Wit[tn]es of the sam[e] thynge 
30 My-selne on crosse al blody I hynge 

And 3itte for [more] s[i]kirnese 

The wound yn my herte the celle it [i]s 
Dla'jta 

This was gyuyne at Caluerye 
34 The firste day of gret mercye 

Carta Redemcionis Humane ^ 

*Thua the MS. "Hardly legible. 

* The words, Min liarte life and dere are scribbled below in a different 
hand. 



the short charter 11 

Caius Coll. Camb. 230. 

FoL 260 

Wyteth now alle J?at be here 

& after schal be leef and dere 

\>at Ihesus of na^areth 

for lone of man hane suffred de]? 
5 Vp-on a cros with woundes fyue 

Whilys i was man in er]?e on-lyue 

I haue yeue & maad a graunt 

To alle )?at aske it repentannt 

heuene blis with-oute endyng 
10 As i am J^ere oonly kyng 

kepe i no more for al my smerte 

But loue me man of al fyn herte 

And )?at pou be in charite 

& lone J?i neybnr as i do ]>e 
15 ]?is is )?e rente Ipat ]>ou schalt yeue me 

As to )?e cheef loord of lond & se ^ 

yif eny man wil sey now 

pat I not deyde for mannys prow 

Eather J?anne he schulde be forlorn 
30 Yit i wolde eft be al to-torn 

Witnessyng J^e day Ipat turned to nyht 

& J?e Sonne Ipat withdrowh his lyht 

witnessyng J?e er]?e Ipat IpSinne quok 

& stonys harde )?at po brook 
25 witnessyng )?e vayle Ipat )?anne dede [ryue] ^ 

& men )?at roos from delp to lyue 

witnessyng my moder and also seynt loon 

& oJ?re J?at ware Ipere many oon 

In witnessyng of which )?yng 
30 Myn oun sele \>erto i hyng 

& for J?e more sykernys 

J?e wounde in my side Ipe seel it is 

]?is was yeue at caluary 
34 pe firste day of J?e greet mercy 

Explicit carta JiujRSine redeinpcio[nis'] ^ 

* The words al of \>e fee appear in the margin opposite thia line. 
" Cut off by edge of folio. 



12 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHBIST 

ASHMOLE 61. 

Testamentum domini. 

Wyteh wele all pat bene here 

And after schall be lene & dere 

That I Ihesus of na^areth 

ffore lufe of man hane soferd deth 
5 vpon a crosse with wondes fyue 

Whyle I was man off lye 

I haue gyuen & made a gmnte 

To all )?at askys repentante 

heuens blysse withouten endynge 
10 Als longe as I ame J?er kynge 

kepe I no more fore all my peynes smerte 

Bot trew lufe of mannys herte 

And ]>at thow be in charyte 

And lone pi ney^bowr as I do the 
15 Thys is ]?e rente thow schall gyS me 

As to J?e cheffe lord of J?e fe 

Iff any man cane sey now 

That I ne hane dy^ed fore manys prow 

EaJ^er than man schnld be fore-lorne 
20 3ite wold I efte be all to-torne 

Wytnes J?e dey pat twrnyd to ny^ht 

And J?e sone wtt/idrew hys ly^ht 

Wytnes pe erth pat )?an dyde quake 

and J?e stones pat all to-brake 
25 Wytnes pe vayle pat thane dyd ryue 

And dede men rosse fro deth to lyue 

Wytnes my modere & seynt lohne 

And oper pat there were many one 

In wytnes off pat yche thynge 
30 Myne awne sele perto I hynge 

[Seal.'] 



the short charter 13 

Harl. 237. 



Fol. lOOal* 

Carta humane redempctonis 

Witnes wele al J?at bene here & 
And efter sal be leue and dere 
pat I ihesus of Na3aret 
fore luf of mane has sufferde deth 
5 

I hane gyue and made a gmnte 

to al )?at aske5 it repentant 

heuyns blis withontyn endynge 
10 als longe as I am per kynge ^ 
a (kepe I no more nore oper thinge) ^ 

Kepe I no more fore al my smerte 

Bod luf man of ]?in hert 

Bod pat povL be in charite 

and Inf pi ny^tbur as I do )?e 
15 pis is pe rent pou sal gife me 

as to pe chef lord of pe ffe 

If ony man kane say nowe 

pat I ne diede for manys prow 

EaJ?er pan man snide be forlorne 
20 3it walde I eft be al to torne 

Witnes J?e day J?at turne in-to ny^t 

and pe sone withdraw his ly^t 

Witnes pe erth pat pen gon qwake 

And J?e stane ]?at al to b[rake] 
25 Witnes pe vail ]?at pan gon ryfe 

and men pat rais fra ded to lyfe 

Witnes my moder and sent lohne 

And othir J?at per were ^ . . . 

In testimonying of J?e whilk thinge 
30 Mi awne sel her-to I hynge 

And fore more sekirnes 

pe wonde in my side pe sell it is 

pis was gifyn at calnarye 
34 dayt pe first * day of pe gret Mercy quod I lang ^ 

* This line is cancelled, evidently by mistake. 

* Extra line. Doubtless the one the scribe meant to cross out instead 
of the one above it. 

^ Incomplete. 

*The scribe first wrote gret here and cancelled it, putting first in 
above with a caret below. 

^ See description of this MS. at p. xxvi for the order in which the 
lines occur. 



14 the middle english charters of christ 

Fairfax. 

Fol. 119* 

[Add. 5465] ^ 

Be hit knowyn to all that byn here 

and to all that here afftir to me shalbe leffe and dere 

That Jhesus off nazareth 

for thi loue man haue suffired deth 

5 Vppon the crosse with woundis smert 

6 In hed in fete in handis in hart 

a an for I wolde haue thyne herytage agayne 
b Therfor I suffyrd all this payne. 

Fol. 120* 

7 A man I haue gevyn and made a graunt 
to the end and thou wilt be repentaunt 
heuyn bliss thyne eritage wtt/ioute endyng 

10 as long as I am lord and kyng 

not covetyng mor for all my smert 

but a louyng and a contrite hart 

and that pou be In charite 

loue pi neyboure as I loue the 
15 I loue the this ]>at I axe of the 

that am the cheffe lord of the fee 

Fol. 121* 

Be it knowyn [etc. ut supra] 
If any man will say here agayne 
that I suffird not for the this payne 
Yet man that pou sholdest not be lorne 

20 In the awter I am offerd my fader beforne 

21 witness the day turnyd to ny^th 

22 witness the sonne that lost his ly^th 

25 wittness the vale that then did ryve 

26 witness the bodies pat rose from deth to lyve 

Fol. 122* 

Be it knowyn [etc. ut supra] 

23 wittness the erthe that did quake 

24 wittness stonys that all to brake 

27 witness mari wittness seynt John 

28 and othir wittness many one 

In to witness of which thyng ' - 

30 my nowne seale ther to I h3mg 

and man for the more sykyrnesse 

The wounde in myn harte pe seale it is ' 

I gevyn vpon the mownt of caluary 
34 the grete daye of mannys mercy 

Be it knowen to all (etc. ut supra). 

* Reprint from the text printed by B. Fehr in Herrig's Archiv, en. 
69-70. 



THE SHOKT CHAETER 15 

ASHMOLE 189. 
Fol. 109 

Wette ye All that bene here 

And here-Aftre that shal be lefe & dere 

That I Ihesus of Nazareth 

ffor the lone of man hane snSred deth 

Fol. 109i> 

5 A-pone A crosse wyth wonndys fyve 

Whyle pat I was in yerth man A-lyve 

That I hane yeve & made A grannte 

To All tho pat wyll xA.ske it repentannte 

Henene blys wythonte yendejnige 
10 As longe I Am in henene reynynge 

Kepe I no more for All my smerte 

Bnt trn lone ot pe man with All thyne herte 

And J7at pou be in fnll charite 

And lone thy neighbour As I do the 
15 Thys is the rent pat pou shalt yelde vnto me 

As to pe cheffe lorde of pe fee 

And yf Any mane sey vnto J?e nowe 

That I hane not dyed for manis prowe 

Eather pen man shnld be for-lorne 
20 Yet yeft-sones wold I be All to-torne 

In wittenesse of pe daye pat tnrned to nyght 

And of the sone pat wythdrewe hys lyght 

In wyttenesse of pe yerth pat peri dyd qnake 

And of pe harde stones pat All to-brake 
25 In wyttenesse of pe viele pat pen dyd reve 

And of men pat rose from deth to lyne 

In wyttenesse of mary my moder & of seynt lohne 

And of odre pat ther were meny one 

In wyttenesse of the whych thynge 

Fol. 110 

30 Myne owne selfe therto I hynge 

And All-so for pe more sekernesse 

The wonnde in my syde pe seale it ys 

Thys was grannted At Calnarye 

The fyrste daye of pe grete mercy 
35 xiiij M yere^ of pardonn 

wyth-onte popes twelve 

Eche of them .vj. jeres by themselfe 

Patriarke^ Archebysshopys & bysshopys Also 

Mekell pardonn hane g?*annted therto 
40 The some of J^e indulgence rekene or pou gois 

Is xx^Vj M. yere5 xxx^^ yeves & vj days 



16 the middle eistglish chartek8 of christ 

St. John's Coll. Camb. Ms. B. 15. 

Fo). 68a 

Carta ledem-pcionis 

Wotyth now all that ben here 

And after schal be leue and dere 

That I ihesu of nazareth 

For lone of man hath suffred dede 
5 Vp-on a cros with wonndys fine 

whilis I was man in herthe alyue 

I hane ^euyn and made a graunt 

to alle that askyn repentant 

Heuene blis witowtyn endyng 
10 As longe as I am there hire kyng 

Kepe I nomore for alle myn smerte 

But the lone man of thyn herte 

And that thn be in charite 

And lone thi neythbnrgh ^ as I do the 
15 This is the rente that thow schalt ^ene me 

as to the scheef lorde of the fee 

yff ther be ony man that can say now 

that I hane not deyd for mannys prow 

rather than man schnl ben lorne 
20 jit wold I efft be alle to torn 

wetenesse the day turnyd into the nygh 

and the sunne that lost hise lygh 

wetenesse the erthe that than dede qwake 

and the stonys that al to brake 
25 wetenesse the veyl that dede riue 

and men that roos from deth to lyue 

Wetenesse myn modyr and seynt John 

and other that were ther mony on^ 

In the wetenesse of the qwyche thyng 
30 Myne owne sele ther-to I hyng 

And for the more sekernesse 

The wonnde in my syde the seel it is 

This was jowyn at Caluerye 
34 The fyrste day of the gret mercy 

»The transcript reads thincyth burgh. ^Ms. monyon. 



MANUSCRIPTS 



OF 



THE LONG CHARTEE 



A-TEXT 



THE LOI^G CHARTER— A-TEXT 



Eawl. poet. 175 



Add. 11307 



Ihe5U5 est amor meus 



Fol. 94* 



21 



hesu kyng of heuen & hell 
Man & woman I will J?e tell 



What luf I haue done to ]?e 
And^ luke what J?ou has done for me 
6 Of all ioy fon was out pilt 
With tresone & with ]?ine awen gylt 
ffor J?ou was dryuen o-way 
Als a best pat gase onstray 
ffra my ryke I com doune 

10 To seke J?e fra tonne to tonne 
Myne herytage J?at es so fre 

12 In J?i myschef to gyf it ]>e 



Fol. 89 

3hesn.kyng of heuene and helle 
Man and womman I wole l?e 
telle 
What lone I haue don to J?e 
And loke what pou hast don for me 
5 Of alle ioye )?ou were out pult 
With treson and wythoute gult 
Pore J? on were dryuon a- way 
As a best J?at go)? on stray 
ffro my rych I cam a-doun 
10 To seche )?e fro toun to toun 

Min erytage J?at is so fre 
12 In J^i myschef to ^euon it )?e 



Bod. 89 



Hie incipit carta Christi 



Fol. 45 



fhesu crist of heuene and helle 
Man and womman I wolle 
30W telle 
what lone I haue done to 
the 
looke whatloue thou haste don to me 
5 Off alle loyes J?ou were ou^t pilt 



wi]? trosoune and wi)? }>i gilt 
Pore thou were dreuen away 
As a beest pstt gope astray 
ffrom heuene riche I come downne 

10 To seche pe from towne to towne 
My Erytage )?at is so free 

12 In thyn myschieft I ^eue hit \>ee 



J. Ad. 
18 



THE LONG CHAKTEE— A-TEXT 



Harl. 3346 



Add. Bod. C. 280 



Fol. 51 

Ihesu kyng of heuene & helle 
Man & womman y wol 30W telle 
What loTie I haue do to ]>e 
Loke what ]7U hast do for me 
5 Of alle loye fu were out pulte 
With treson and wi)?-oute gulte 
Pore ]>u were drynen a-way 
As a best pat goj? astray 
ffro my riche I cam a-doune 

10 To seche )?e fro tonne to tonne 
Myne heritage J?at ys so fre 

12 In fy myschif to jeue hit \>e 



Fol. 124 

Ihesu kyng of heuene & helle 
Man & woman I 30W telle 
What loue I haue do for J?e 
Loke what pou hauyst do for me 
5 from ioye )?ey me vt pelte 
Wyth tresouii & wyth-vtyn gelte 
Pore & naked J^ey drefyn me away 
As a best pat gayt in stray 
ffro my ryche y cam a-doun 

10 To sekyn J^e fro toun to toun 
Myn heritage pat is so fre 

12 In )7i meschef to ^eujn it pe 



Hael. 5396 



What Chrysi hath done for us 



Fol. 301 

Ihesu cryst of heuyn & helle 
Men & wemen I wyl 30U telle 
What loue I haue don to pe 



7 Pore povi was & dreuyn away 
As a best J^^fet gos on stray 
ffro heuyn Kyndom I come doun 



Loke what J?ou hast don to me 10 To seche pe fro toun to town 
5 from ^ all loyes pou ware outspylt Myn herytage ^ pat ys so fre 

Wyth treson & also with gylt 12 In pj myschyfe I ^yf y hyt pe 



* Of was first written, then cancelled, and from written above it. 
'The a is written below the line. 



19 



20 the middle english charters of christ 

Eawl. poet. 175 Add. 11307 



13 



15 



13 When )7at gyft I gyf J?e sulde 
I did als \>e law wolde 

15 Till a may den I dismetted me 
ffor na chalange suld J^an be 
Wele derely he keped ]>e & me 
Till I my tyme wold se 
Fourty wokes & fourty days 

20 To fullfyll fe aid lawes 20 

fe mayden was trew myld & fre 
Scho resayued me for Ipe 
Me my manhede & my gmce 
J?us come sesjnig in-to place 

25 When f>e sesyng was done swa 25 
ffuU gret envy had J?an ]?i f aa 
l?an belzebnb & sathanas ^oi- 89^ 

Had gret wonder whi it was 
He fanded me with felony 

30 With pryde couatyse & glotony 30 
Wele he wist I was a mane 

32 Bot syn in me fand he nane 32 



What Ipat 3efte I jenon sholde 
I dede as ]?e lawe wolde 
To a mayde I demytted me 
ffor no chalange sholde be 
Wei dernely sho kepte me 
Tyl I my tyme wolde se 
ffourty wokes sane V. dawes 
To fnlfnlle J^e olde lawes 
pe mayde was trewe mylde & fre 
Sho receyued me for lf>e 
By my manhede and my grace 
Thus cam sesyng furst in place 
Whan fat sesyng was y-do 
Wei gret envye hadde ]?anne J?i fo 
Tho belsabub and sathanas 
Hadde gret wounder whi it was 
He fondes me wij? felonye 
Wi}> pryde coneytise and glotenye 
Wei he wiste I was a man 
Bnt synne in me ne fond he nan 



BoD. 89 



13 Whanne I fat jeft ^eue scholde 
I dede os the lawe wolde 

15 To a mayden I demede to me 
ffor none chalenge scholde be 
Wei derwnrthly she kept me 
Til I my tyme wolde see 
ffourty wokes and fourty dayes 

20 To fulfille the olde lawes 

That made was mylde and free 
She resceyued me for the 



Me thi manhode and J?i grace 
Thus come fis sesynge first in place 

25 Whanne fat sesynge was I-doo 
Wele grete enuy hade thy foo 
Belsebub and sathanas 
hadde grete ferly whi hit was 
Foi. 45" Tj^g- fQj^(je(j jj^e wif felonye 
Wif Couetise and glotonye 
Wei thei wiste fat I was man 

32 But synne on me founde f ei none 



the long charter a-text 

Harl. 2346 Add. Bod. C. 280 



21 



13 Whan J^at 3yft I ^eue ]?e shulde 
I dede as J?e lawe wolde 

15 To a mayden I ordeyned me 
ffor [no] ^ clialinge shnld be 
^[■ul wor])?ely she kept me & J?e 
[Tyl y] my tyme wolde y-se 
ffourty wykes & fonrty dayes 

20 To fulfille J?e rj^i lawes 

pe maide was mylde trewe & fre 
She rekened bo)?e me and the 
Me fi manhede and J?y grace 
pus com )?e sesyng ferst a place 

25 Whan }?is sesyng was y-do 
Ful gret envye had ]?an J?y fo 
po belsabnb and sathanas 
Had gret wonder why hit was 

pey fonded me with felonye 

Fol. 5P 

30 WyJ? pride couetise and glotenye 

Wei he wyst I was a man 
32 But synne in me fond he non 



13 Wan Ipat " I }?is ^yfte 3eue schulde 
I dede ryth as ]?e laue wolde 

15 Til a meydyne I hordayn me 
ilor Iper schulde no chaleynge be 
fful worthely 3e kepte both ]>e & me 
Till Ipat 1 my tym wolde se 
XL wockys & XL da^v}^s 

20 ffor to full-fyllyn Ipe rythe lawys 
pe maydyn was trwe mylde & fre 
Sche resceuyd both ]?e & me 
]?ore J?i manhot & my grace 
]?us cam |?is sesyn fyrst in place 

25 or )?an J^is sesyn was fully do 
ffull grete enuye had J?an my foo 
Belsebub & satanas 
}?ay had grete wondyr what pat it 
was 



30 . 
32 . 



Harl. 5396 



13 When I pat ^yft ^yf schulde 
I dyd as pe lawe wolde 

15 A maydyn I demyd to me ^°^- ^^^^ 
ffor no chalange schuld be 
ffol der-worthly sche kepyd me 
Tyl I my tyme wold se 
XL wekys & XL dayes 

20 To fulfylle pe old lawe 
pat mayden was trewe & fre 
Sche receyuyd me for pe 



3yf me pj manhede & pj grace 
]?us come pat seysyng fyrst in place 

25 When pat seysyng was do 
ful gret enuy had )?y fo 
Belsabub & sathanas^ 
Had grete ferly why hyt was 
J7at asseyed me with foly * 

30 With couytyse & gloteny 
Wyle he wyst I was a man 

32 But synne yn me fonde he non * 



*The letters in this word and in those bracketed in the two next lines are blurred. 

' Written above the line. ^ Ms. sathamas. 

* Opposite this line in the margin is some writing illegible to the editor. 



22 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Eawl. poet. 175 

33 Hard he threted me in his thoght 
J?at seseyng suld be dere boght 

35 He sent his sergaunce with mais- 
troy 
With wa & sorow me to destroy 
And ^ wele he f and him gajrned 

noght 
Ane other help was in my thoght 
Mare syker J?e to make 

40 Ogayne J?i fa full of wrake 
Heuen & erth in present 
To mak a charter of feffement 
In slyke a maner bus it be 
]>at me bus gyf my lyf for J?e 

45 ffor J?ou ert ded & I am lyfe 
I most dy to gyf J?e lyfe 
Many a way haue I to ga 
In hunger & threst & cald all swa 
Thretty wjmter & mare fan two 

50 Or my ded war I-do 

Ne myght I fynd na parchemyne 

52 ffor to last with-outen fyne 



Add. 11307 

33 Harde he ]?ratte me in his )70U3t 
That sesyng sholde ben dere a-bou^t 

35 He sente his seruantes with may- 
strye 
WiJ? wo and serwe me to distrye 
Wei he fond hym geyned nojt 

Another help was in my J^oujt 
More syker J?e to make 

40 Ageyn ]>i fo ful of wrake 
Heuene and erthe in present 
To make a chartre of f effement 
In such manere byhouej? to be 
pat I moste 3yuon my lyf for ^e 

45 ffor J?ou art ded and I am lyf 
I mot die to ^iue J?e lyf 
Many a wey I haue y-go 
In hunger thurst cliele and wo 
Thritty wynter and mo ]?er-to 

50 Or my dede were y-do 

'Ne my^te I fynde no parchemyn 

52 ffor to laston wel and fyn 



Bod. 89 



33 hard he J?rette me in his )?ought 
That seynge scholde be dere bought 

35 he sente his smantes wij? enuye 
wi)? woo and sorow me to destroye 
wele he founde him gayned nought 
another help was in my tought 
More seker the to make 

40 agayn thi foo ful of wrake 
heuene and Erthe in present 
To make a chartre of feffement 



In which manere be-houethe to be 
That I moste ^eue my lyf for the 

45 ffor thou art dede thorough rief 
I moste deye to ^eue J?e lyf 
Many a way I haue I-goo 
In hunger therst chele and woo 
Thratty ^ere and more ]?anne ^ too 

50 Or my dede were fully doo 
Ne myght I fynde no parchemyn 

52 ffor to laste wi}?-oute fyn 



* Ms. Ad with a final curl. Cf. line 4. 



^Ms. \)anme. 



THE LONG CHARTEK A-TEXT 



23 



Harl. 2346 
33 Hard he J?retened me in his fou^t 

35 



Anolpev ]>mg was in my )?oii3t 
More syker pe to make 

40 Agayn )?i fo ful of wrake 
Heuene & erpe in present 
To make a charter of feffement 
In suche maner by-houej? to be 
pat I most 3eue lyf for J?e 

45 ffor ]>u art dede & y am a-lyne 
Y most daye to ^eue J?e lyffe 
Many a way y hane go 
In hunger in ]?urste chele & wo 
XXX wynter & mo J?en two 

50 Or my chartre was y-do 

Ne my^t pej fynd no parchemyne 

52 ffor to laste wy}>-oiite fyne 



2d 



Add. Bod. C. 280 

33 harde J?ay thretten me in her thoght 
pat }?is sesyn schul dere by boght 

35 He sent his seruentes wyth ennye 
wyth sorow & wo me for to destrye 
wel ^e fundyne hym geynede noght 
an-hoJ?er thyng was in my thoght 
wel mor sykyr J?e to make 

40 agayns pi fo full of wrake 
heuene & berth in present 
To make a charter of feoffament 
In swyche a maner be howit to be 
pat I most ^euyn my lyf for pe 

Col. 45 ^Qj. Pq^ a,rt dede & I am lyf 
I most deyn to ^euyn lyf 
harde gatys he hauyt gone 
In hungure & thryst & many wone 
XXX wynter & mo J?an two 

50 or J^an J^is charter wer fully do 
Cowde ye fyndyne no parchemyn 

52 pat wolde lastyn wyth-vtyn fyn 



Harl. 5396 



33 hard ]?ey thret me in per ]?03t 
pat seysyng schuld be dere bo3t 

35 They send her sergant with envye 45 
with wo & sorow me to destroye 
fful wele he gaynyd no^t 

Another help was yn my J?oght 
Moore sekyr pe to make ^°^' ^^^ 

40 A3eyn J?y foo so full of wrake 50 

heuyn & erthe yn ^ present 
To make a chartur of fefment 52 



In syche a maner hyt behouys to be 
pat I must jeue my lyfe for pe 
Ifor pou dyed pugh synne ryfe 
I must dye to ^yf pe lyfe 
Many a way I haue goo 
[y]n hungyr thyrst colde & 

mekyll woo 
Thrytty ^ere & more pen two 
Or my deth was ydo 
I myght fynde no parchemyne ^ 
ffor to last with out fyne 



* Ms. \>n 

'Ms. parchemyn, the n having been written over something erased. 



24 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

Eawl. POET. 175 Add. 11307 
53 Bot als luf bad me do FoI. 92 g^t as loue bad me do 

Myne awen skyn I toke )?ar-to Myn owne skyn y ^af J?er to 

55 To gett me frendes I gaf gud mede 55 To gete me frendes 1 3af god mede 

So dose J?e pore j^at has gret nede So doj? pe pore pat ha]? gret nede 

On a thursday a sopere I made Vn a thoresday a soper y made 

Both frende & fa to make )?am BoJ?e frend and fo to maky glade 

glade 

With mete & drynk to sanle fode WiJ? mete and drynk to soule fode 

60 With haly word my flesch & blode 60 WiJ? holy word my flesch and blode 

Hoc facite in meam commemora- This I made for mankynde 

cionem Mi loue-dedis to haue in mynde 

pis I made for mankynde Hoc facite in meam coiRmemora- 

My luf-dedes to hane in mynde cionem 

Or I fra ]>e bord rase Or I fro J?e bord aras 

Of my frend betrayd I wase Of my frend betrayd y was 

65 He fand me gangand in fe way 65 He fond me goyng in pe way 

Als J?e lyon gase to his ipraj As fe lyon go]? tyl his pray 

Susceperunt me sicut leo[paratus Susceperunt me sicut leo pa-mtus 

ad] preldaml ad pvedam 

67 A kyrtell I had & clathes ma 67 A kirtel I hadde and clo)?es mo 

And sone I had all for-ga Ac alle I hadde sone for-go 

pan had I ]?^s charter wryten Tho pel haddon ]?is chartre writon 

70 pan was I nakend wele may yhe Tho was I nakud wel mowe je 

wyten wyton 

pai kest lote als wald bi-fall They caston lot as wolde by-falle 

72 Whether ane suld haue all or par- 72 Wheper on shold han al or parton 

ten all alle 

BoD. 89 

But as loue badde me doo 63 

Myn owene skynne I toke perto 

55 To gete me frendes I ^af grete mede ....... 

Foi. 4o^g (iothe the pore ]?at hath grete 66 

nede Susceperunt me sicut leo paratus 

On a thursday a feste I made ad predam 

fPrende and foo to make glade 67 A kyrtill I hadde clothes moo 

wi]? mete and drinke to sowle foode 68 alle I hadde sone for-goo 

60 wij? holy wordes my fiesshe and 

blood 70 . 

This I made for mankynde 

62 My loue-dedes to haue in mynde 72 



THE LONG CHAETEE A-TEXT 



25 



Harl. 2346 

53 But as loTie bade me to do 
Myne owne skyn y tok lf>er-to 

55 To gete my frendes y ^af good mede 
So do]? )?e pore )?at ha)? gret nede 
On a )?iirsday a soper y made 
ffrend & fo to make glade 
With mete & drinke to soule fode 

60 With holy word my fleysh and 
blode 
pis I made for mankynde 
My loue-dedys to hane in mynde 

'^^'^^hoc facite in meam coiamemora- 
cionem 
Or I fro ]>e bord a-ros 
Of my frend by-traied y was 

65 He fonde me goande in J?e way 
As ]>e lyon go)? to his pray 
A curtel I had & elo)?es mo 
Alle y hadde sone for-go 
pey )?at had )?is chartre wryten 

70 po was y naked wel mow je wyten 
pey easten lot as wold by-falle 
Wlie)?er on shuld haue or parten 
alle 



Add. Bod. C. 280 

53 But as gret lone bad me do 

Myn houene skyne I toke Iper-to 
55 

vpon a thursday a sopere I made 
frend & f o to makyn all glade 
wyth metys & drynkys sowle fode 

60 with holy wordy s my flesch & my 
blode 
all )?is I dyde for mankynde 

62 My loue-dedys to haue/i in mynde 



65 



70 



Harl. 5396 



53 But as loue bad me do 63 

Myne owen skyn I toke ]>er to 
55 To gete me frendys I ^af gret mede 65 

As doth )?e pore Ipat hath nede 

On a thersday a feste I made 

ffrende & foo to make glade 

With mete & drynk to soule fode 
60 Wtt/i holy wordys my flesh & blode^ 68 

Thys I made for mankynde 

My loue dedys to haue yn mynde 70 . 

Hoc facite ^ in meam commemora- 
cionem ^ 72 . 



^ The is written below the line. 

*noc facyte cancelled, and Hoc facite written above. 



Or I fro )?e horde ras 
Of my frend betrayed I was 
They toke me goyng yn )?e way 
As a lyon gos to hys pray 
Susceperunt me sicut leo paratus 

Ad predam 
A kyrtyl I had & not a cloth mo 
All I had sone forgo 



'Ms. commenorationem. 



26 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Eawl. poet. 175 



Add. 11307 



73 ffrend & fa J?at with me meten 73 ffrend and fo J?at with me metton 
In my most nede all me leten In my nede alle me for-lettofn 

75 Till a pyler I was pyght 75 To a pyler I was ply3t 

Tuged & tawed all a nyght I tugged and tawed al a ny^t 

And waschen in myne awen blode ^°^- ^^''And waschon in myn ovne bled 



And straytely strened on fe rode 

Streyned to dry on J?e rode tre 
80 Als p^rchemyne aw for to be 
Here now & yhe sail wyten 
How yis charter ^ was wryten 
Opon my neese was made ]>e ynk 
With lewes spyttyng on me to stynk Of iewes spotel on me to stynke 
85 pe pennes ]>at ]>e letter was with 85 The pennes J?at J?e lettres wry ton 
wryten 
was of skourges ]>at I was with 
smyten 
Foi. 95 jjow many lettres )?are-on bene 
Eede & J?ou may wyten & sene 
ffyue thowsand four hundreth fyf ty 
& ten 



And streyte y-streyned vpon fe 

rod 
Streyned to drye vp-on a tie 
80 As parchemyn oveth for to be 
Hereth now and 3e shuUe weton 
Hou pis chartre was y-wryton 
Vpon my neb was mad J?e enke 



Weron seories ]>at I wi)? was 

smyton 
Hou many lettres )?er-on ben 
Eed and )?ou maist weton and sen 
ffive thousand CCCC fifty and ten 



90 woundes on me bath blak & wen 
Quinqvie millm CCCC^o L. X, 
To schew yhow all my luf-dede 

92 Mi-self I will f is chartre rede 



90 Woundes on me bo]?e rede and wen 

To shew 30U alle my loue-dede 
92 Miself I was )?e chartre rede 



Bod. 89 
73 ffrende and foo )?at wi)? me eten 
In ^ my nede alle from me jeden 
75 To a piler I was pight 85 

Tuggyd and drawen alle a ny^t 
and wasshen me myn owen bloode 
and strayned me strayet on )?e rode 
I-strayned to dethe on a tree 

.80 as pfljrchemyn owi}?e to be ^°^' *^^ 

here hit now and ^e shuU wete 
how )?is Chartre was I-wrette 92 



The Iewes fel wi]? grete swynke 
Of my bloode made J?ei ynke 
The pennes ]?at lef^res wreten 
was schorges )?at he was wi)? smyte 
how many le^^res )?er-on ben 
Eede and thou may wete and sene 
a J?ousannd .iiij. c and fyfti and 

teen 
wondes on me bothe rede and wan 
To she 30W alle my dede 
My self wil this Chartre welle rede 



*Ms. chaster. 



Ms. Im. 



THE LONG CHARTER A-TEXT 



27 



Harl. 2346 

73 ffrend & fo )?at wyj? metten 73 

In my nede alle me for-leten 

75 To a pilour y was py3t 75 

I tugged and towed al a ny^t 
And waschen on myn owne 

blode 
And [str] ey^t y streyned on fe rode 
S[trey]ned to drye on a tre 

80 As parchemyne on^t for to be 80 

Hyre}? now & ^e shnl wyten 
How ]?is chartre was wryten 
Vpon my face was made pe ynke 
With lewes spotel on me to stynke 

85 pe penne )?at ]?e letteres was with 85 
wryten 
Of scorges }>at I was with smyten 
How many lettres j^er-on bene 
Eede and J?u my^t wyte and sene 
.V. ]?ousand .iiij c. fy3fty and ten 
Foi. 52b 9Q ^oji(jeg Qj^ j^Q ijojpe blac and 90 

wan 



Add. Bod. C. 280 



To she we pw al my lone-dede 
92 My-silf y wol J?is chartre rede 



To schene 30W all my loue-dede 
92 My-self will I )?is charter rede 



Harl. 5396 



73 ffrend & foo ]>at with me etyn 

In my nede for geton ^ 
FoL 302b Y5 rj.^ ^ pgigj. J ^^g py^^ 

Tuggyd & drawyn all a ny3t 
And washyn yn myn owen bloode 
And strayste straynyd vp-on ]?e 

rode 
Straynyd I was upon a tre 
80 As pa[r]chemyn owyth to be 
Hereyt now & 30 schall wyt 
How ]?ys charter was I-wryt 



83 pe lowys fell with gret swynk 
Of my blode ]?ey madyn ynke 

85 pe pennys ]>at ]>e lettrys dyd wryte 
Where skoges with whych ]?ay dyd 

me smyt 
How many lettrys ]?er-on ben 
Rede & ^ )?u may wyt & sene 
Y m CCCC seuyty & V 

90 Wyndys ^ I suffyrd here yn my lyfe 
To schewe 30U my lofe-dede 

92 My-self e wyl }>ys charter rede 



^ This line is twice written in the margin, as follows : 

a) In my nede for getone 

b) Al Jjei had me for yety[n] 

An imperfection In the parchment has destroyed most of the line in the text, 
^ Above the line, « Ms. w wyndys. 



28 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Bawl. poet. 175 

93 yhe men J?at gase bi ]?is way 
Abydes & lokes on me to-day 

95 And redes on )?is parchemyne 
If any sorow be lyke to myne . 

uos omnes qui tisnisitis per uiam 
attendite & uidete & cetera 

Standes & here )?is charter red 
. ^hi I am wounded & all f orbled 
Sciant pvesentes & futuri & cetera 
wytt yhe Ipat bene & sail, be-tyde 

100 I Ihe^n erist with blody syde 
pat was born in bethleem 
And offerd in-to lerusalem. 
pe kyng son ^ of henen oboufe 
With my fader will and Infe 

105 Made a sesyng when I was born 
To J?e mankynd ]>at was forlorn 
With my chartre here present 

1 mak now confirmament 
pat I haue grannted & gyfen 

110 To J?e mankynd with me to lyfen 

In my rewme of heuen blys 
112 To hane & hald withouten mys 



Add. 11307 

93 je men ]>at gon for)? by the weye 
Abideth and loke)? with ^oure ye 

95 And rede)? on )>is parQh.em.jn 
3if eny serwe be lyk to myn 

uos omnes qui tTsmsitis "per viam. 
attendite [rad 

Wi)?stonde)? and here)? )?is chartre 
Whi I am wounded an al for-blad 
Sciant pvesentes & futuri &c 
Witeth 3e ]>at ben and shul betyde 
100 I ihesu crist with blody syde 
Foi. 93 That was born in bedlem 
And offred in-to Iherusalem 
pe kynges sone of henene a-bone 
Wi)? my fader wille and lone 
105 Made a sesyng whan I was born 
To )?e mankynde )?at was for-lorn 
Wi]? my chartre here in present 

1 make heron confirmament 
That I hane granted and y-^ene 

110 To )?e mankynde with me to lene 

In my revme of henon blisse 
112 To hane & to holden withouten 
mysse 



93 . 



95 



Bod. 89 

. 102 



105 



vos omnes qui tr&nsitis per viam 
attendite & videte etc 
97 wi)?stonde and here the chartre 
rede 
whi I am wonded and for-blede 
Sciant pvesentes & futuri &c 110 
wete 3e )?at ben and shall be-tyde 
100 I ihe5u wi]? wondes wyde 112 

That was born in Bedelem 



and Offred into lerusalem 
The kynges sone of heuene aboue ^ 
wi)? myn f adre wille and loue 
Made a feffynge whanne I was 

borne 
To mankynde )?at was for lorlorne 
wi)? my Chartre her in present 
I make here a confirmement 
That I haue graunt and I-geue 
wi)? my kynde for to leue 
In my regne of heuene blis 
To haue and to holde wi)?-ou3t mys 



Ms. kyngson 



* oAJOovoe cancelled and aboite interlined. 



THE LOISTG CHABTEB A-TEXT 



29 



Harl. 2346. 

93 Ye men ]7at goj? by fe way 93 

A bidej? & lokej? wy]> ^oure ey 

95 And redej? on )?is parchemyn 95 

Is per be any sorwe like to myn 

uos omnes qui tmnsitis per viam 
attendite &c 

3et stondej? & hirej? )?is ehartre red 
Whi I am wonded & al for-bled 

8ciant pjesentes et futuri &c 
Wyte 3e )?at ben and shull be-tyde 

100 Ihesu crist wyth blody syde 100 

pat was bore in bethleem 
And offred in to Jerusalem 
pe kinges sone of heuene a-bone 
Wy]? my fader wyl and lone 

105 Made a sesyng whan y was born 105 
To )?e mankinde J?at was for-lorn 
WyJ? my ehartre here present 

1 make now confirmament 

pat I haue graunted & y-^eue 
110 To )?e mankynde with ]>q to lene 110 

On my reme of heuene blisse 
112 To haue & holde wy]?-oute mysse 112 



Add. Bod. C. 380 

30 man & woman ]>ai goyt be J?e way 
abidis & loke vp with 3owr ey 
Redyn vpon J?is p^rchemyne 
3yf any sorow likith to myne 

[rede 
with-stondyt & hereyt J?is charter 
how I am for-wondid & all for- 
blede 

y-wetyd ^e ]>ai beth & schul betydyn 
pat I ihesu crist wyth blody sydyne 
pat was borne in bedlem 
& oSerid vp in to ierusalem 
pe kyngys sone heye ^ a-boue 
with my faderys wil & loue 
I made a sesyn wan I was borne 
To J?e mankynde ]>at was forlorne 
with my charter her in present 
I made to ]>q a confyrment 
pat I graunte & I ^eue 
To f>e mankynd wyth me to leue 
In my regno of heuene blys 
To hauyne & holdyne with-vtyn 
mys 



93 



95 



uos omnes qui 
attendite &c 
97 Stond stylle & here ]?ys chart red 
Why I am wovndyd & forbled 
8{^c\iant present es & futuri^ 
Wit 3e )>at ben & scha betyde 
100 I ihesu wiih wovnndes wyde 
Foi. 303 pat was born yn bedlem 



Hael. 5396 

. 102 And offyrd ynto Ierusalem 

The kynges sone of hevuyn Aboue 
Wiih my fader wele by-loue 
. 105 Made a fefment whay I was borne 
transytis per viam To mankynde Ipat was forlorn 

With my charter here yn present 
I made here a conferment 
pat I haue grauntyd for to gyf 
110 With mankynde for to leue 
In my reme of heuyn blysse 
To haue & to holde with-owtjn 
mysse 



*Ms. futuere. 



* Written he ye. 



30 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAKTERS OF CHRIST 

Eawl. poet. 175 Add. 11307 

113 In a condicioune if ]?ou be kynde 113 In a condicioun ^if ]?ou be kynde 
And my luf-dedes liane in mynde And my loue-dedes haue in mynde 

115 ffre to haue & fre to hald 115 ffre to haue and fre to holde 

'SYith all )?e pz/rtenaunce to wald WiJ? al ]>e pt^rtinaunce to wolde 

Myne erytage pat es so fre Min erytage fat is so fre 

ffor homage ne for fewte fEor homage ne for fewte 

N"a mare will I ask of fe No more wole I aske of fe 

120 Bot a foure leued gryss yheld J?oul20 But a four leued gras to jelde me 
me 
A lefe es soth fast schryft That on lef is opon shryft 

pe tother es for syn hert smyrt That oper thin herte to smerte 

skyft^ 
pe thred I will no mare do swa The tridde I wole namore don so 

pe forth dred god whare so )?ou ga The ferde drede god euermo 

125 When )?ir four leues to-gyder er 125 Whan )?use leues to-gydere ben set 
sett 
A trew luf men clepes ett A trewe loue men clepon it 

Of )?is rent be noght be-hynd ^^i. 93b Qf this rente be not be-hynde 
ffor all ]?e yhere )?ou may it fynd ffor thorj J?e ^er fou may it fynde 

Els may yhe seke it in my wound Or elles seehe it in my wounde 

130 ffor J?are may trew luf ay be found 130 ffor ]>ere may trewe loue ben 

founde 
All if yhe fall & gretly my stake Thaw )?ou be falle and gretly 

mystake 

132 Mi ded I will neuer forsake 132 Mi dede wol I not forsake 

Bod. 89 

113 In condicioune ^if thou be kynde The fourthe drede me euere mor 

And my loue-dedes haue in mynde 125 whanne thise to-gydre sitte 

115 ffree to haue and fre to holde A trewe loue men clepyn hit 

wip alle pe purtenaunce to wolde Off >is be nou^t be-hynde 

Myn Erytage J?at is so free ffor thorowe pe ^ere thou may hit 

ffor homage ne for feaute fynde 

Nomore wolle I aske of the Or to seche hit in my wonde 

120 A foure leued gresse jilde thou me 130 ffor there may trewe love be founde 

Foi. 47 That oon leef is shrift of herte ^if thou be fallen and gretely 

That oj^ere for synne hert smyrt mys-take 

The thridde in wille nomore do so 132 My dede wolle I not for-sake 

^An upward curl on the line crossing the t of this word is evidently due to an 
attempt to make at the same time with the last letter the upper mark of a colon. 
The same attempt may be seen at the end of many lines. 



THE LONG CHARTEE A-TEXT 



31 



Harl. 2346 

113 In a condictoun if J^ou be kinde 113 
And my loue-dedes hane in mynde 

115 ffre to hane & fre to holde ^oi. i24^ 
Pol. 53 s^iiJi al ]7e purtenaunce to wolde 

My heritage ]?at is so fre 

ffor homage ne for feute 

No more wol I aske of )?e 
120 A f oure leued gras J?u ^eld to me 1 20 

pat leef is so)?f ast shryft 
pat olper for synne hert smert 
pe )7rydde I wol no more do so 
pe ferfe drede god euer mo 
[sett 
125 When f>es foure leiies to-gedre ben 125 
A trewe lone men clepe]? hit 
Of )?is rente be no^t by-hynde 

ffor fonrj }»e jere )?u may hit f ynde 

Els may ^e se in my wo'wnde 
130 ffor ]>er may trew lone be founde 130 

pon3 J?u falle gretly mystake 
132 My dede wol I nener forsake 132 



Add. Bod. C. 280 

In a condictoun pat ]>ou be kynde 
My lone-dedys pat pou hane in 

mynde 
ffor to hanyn & for to holdyne 
wyth all pertinance for to woldyne 
Myn heritage pat is so fre 
for homage ne for fente 
But no more wil I askyn of pQ 
But a iiij leuede gras pat pou 

gmnte me 
pat on it is sothfastly schryfte 
pat other it is senne haue sorow 
pe iij it is J?at i nyl no mor do so 
pe iiij it is dred god & loue hym 

euer mo [schete • 

when |?es iiij leues to-gedire be 
a trwloue J?an man clepyt hyt 
per-for pay J?i rent be nawht be- 

hyndyne 
for pTOw^ pe 3er pou myth grace 

fyndyne [wonde 

pan mayst pou wel sen in my 
pat par may trwloue hen I-funde 
poth pou fall & gretly mystake 
My loue-dedys sail I neuer forsake 



Harl. 5396 



113 In eondicion yf pou be kynde 

My loue dedes to haue yn mynde 125 

115 jffre to haue & ffre to hold 

with 2 all pe appertynanttse wolde 
In lajne heretage pat ys so fre 
ffor homage ne for fewette 
N'o more wolde I aske of pe 

120 But a faure ^ leuyd gres J^ou 3yf me 
pat on lef ys loue of hert 
pat othyr for synne penans smert 

Foi. 303b The thyrd I wyl nomore do sol32 

* Obscure in MS. 

* And deleted before with. 



pe forte drede me euyr mo 
Whan thyse leuys to-gedyr be 

knytt 
A trew loue men clepyn hyt 
Of J?ys rent be not be-h3rnde 
ffor Jjorow pe ^ere pou may hyt 

fynde 
Or ellys take hyt in my wovnde 
per may pe trewe loue be fownde 
yf pou be fallyn yn mys-tayle 
My dede wyl pe not a-vayle 

* The u is written above the line. 

* Ms. proiv. 



32 



THE MIDDLE Eiq^GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Eawl. poet. 175 

133 If )?ou be amend & mercy craue 133 
pine herytage yhit sail J?ou haue 

135 pe seles ]>at it es seled withe 135 

pai war granen on a stythe 
Of gold ne syluer war J?ai noght 
Of stele & yren war fai wroght 
With )7e spere of stele my hert )?ai 
strungen 

140 Thnrgh my hert & my longen 140 
Irens ^ nayles thirld me 
Thnrgh fete & handes to ]?e tre 
pe selyng wax was dere aboght 
At my hert rote it was soght 

145 And tempyrd all wit^ vermelyounel45 
Of my blode Ipat ran adonne 
factum est cor meum. tanqusun 
cera liquescens &c . . . . 
Fyue seles war sett ]?are-on 
Of fader & son god & man 
pe first es for to lene maste 

150 pat I come of )?e haly gaste 150 

In playn power J?i state to make 

152 And coroun of my heued to take 152 



Add. 11307 

^if ]?ou amendy and mercy crane 
Thyn erytage shalt J?ou haue 
The selus fat it was seled wij? 
They weron granon on a stij? 
Of gold ne seiner ne ben )?ei nojt 
Of styl and yron J?ey weron wro^t 
Wi)7 spere of stil myn herte fei 

stongon 
Thorw myn herte and my longon 
Iron nailes thrilledon me 
Thorw fet & hand to ]>q tre 
The selyng wax was dere aboujt 
At my/i herte rote it was soujt 
And tempred al wij? vermylon 
Of my blod ]>ai ran a-doun 
factum est cor meum. tanqvLO^m. 

cera liquescens &c 
ffyue seles weron set J?eran 
Of fader and sone god and man 
The fifte J?at is to leue most 
That I cam of )?e holy gost 
In playn power }>i stat to make 
A corone on myn hed hane I take 



Bod. 89 

133 So fat fou amende and mercye 

crane 145 

Thyn Erytage fon shalt hane 

135 The seles fat I was seled wif 
Thei were granen on a stithe 
Off golde and sylvere were fei non^t 

138 But of Iren and stele I-wrought 

140 

Iren nayles threlede me [tree foI. 47^' 

142 Thorough hand and foot in-to f e 

143 The Selynge wax dere bought 152 



atte myn herte rote I-soughte 
Tempred wif wermylou/^ 
Of my bloode fat run adoune 
factum est cor meum. tanquam *' 

cera liquescens in medio ventris 

mei 
Iren nayles were sete there thanne 
On fader and sone god and man 
The first fat f on leue moste 
150 That I come of f e holy gooste 
wif playn power f y state to make 
a Croune opone heuede I take 



^ Thus the MS. 

^ The final letter is blurred by a crease in the manuscript. 



the lol^g charter a-text , 33 

Harl. 2346 Add. Bod. C. 280 

133 If ]?u amende and mercy crane 133 ^yf Ipou J?e amende & mercy crane 
pyn heritage trnly shalt )?u hane pin heritage sail ]?ou haue 

135 pe seel J^at hit is seled with 135 pes selys Ipat J?is charter were 

selyde witht 
pei weren graned upon a styth pai weryne wroght vp-on a styf 

Of gold ne sylner were ]?ei no^t Of gold ne of siluer wer J?ai nath 

Of styel & yren J?ey were wron3t But of stel & heryn ]?ai wroght 

With spere of stile my hert ]>ej wyth spere of stel I was stongyne 
stongen 

140 pour^ myne herte and my longen 140 prow myn hert lyner & longyne 
pre nailes J?nrled me heryne neyles J^erleden me 

ponr3 feet & hondes to J?e tre Thorgh fot & handys J?er till a tre 

pe selyng wexe was dere bou3t pe selyng wex was dere a-bowth 

Foi. 52 ^^ jnyj2 herte rote y-son^t 144 prow my hert rot ^ it sowth 

145 And tempred al with Yermjloun pat was tempered all wyth wer- 

mylione [adone ^ 

Of my blode )?at ran doun pat was myn hert blod Ipat ran 

ff&ctum est cor meum. tanqu3i.m 

cera liquescens &c 
ffyne seles were y-sett J?er-an V sely were set J?er vp-one 

Of fader & sone god & man of fadyre & sone god & mane 

pe fyf J?e ys for to lone most pe V is to be-lene most 

150 pat I cam of f'e holy gost 150 pat he cam of \at holy gost 

In pleyn powere ]?y state to make In pleyn power for to makyne 

152 A signe on myn hed y take 152 a corone of myn hed I takyne 

Harl. 5396 

133 Tyl ]?ou mede & mercy crane And at my hert rote hyt was so3t 

Myne herytage ]?on schalt not hane 145 Tempryd all wyth vermylon 
135 pe selys ^at I was selyd wyth Of my blode \at ran down 

They were grauyn on \q styth ^ ff actum, est cor meum. tan quam. 

Of gold ne syluyr were ]?ey no3t rera * liquescens &c 

138 but of yryn & stele wete ]?ey wro^t ^°^- ^^^ Iron nayles were set J?er than 

On fader & sone god & mane 

140 pe fyrst ]>at ]>o\x. leue most 

Yryn naylys thyrlyd me 150 pat I com of J?e holy gost 

142 Thorow hand & f ote vnto ]?e tre "Wyth pleyn power ]?y state to make 

143 pe selyng wax was dere bo3t 152 A crovne upon my hede to take 

* Between v. 135 and v. 136, "Of yryn & stele were ]?ey wro;;t " is cancelled. 

** Written r'ot. ^ a above the line. * Ms. seems to be rera. 



34 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Rawl. poet. 175 



Add. 11307 



153 Of thornes in takenyng J?at I am ^^^' ^^153 Of thornes in token ]>at I am 



kyng 
And frely may gyf J?e J^i thing 
155 pis witnes ]>e lewes all 

On knes to me ]?ai gan doune fall 

And lowd cryed on J^air skornyng 
Hail be )?ou lord of lewes kyng 
Betwene twa men J^is was seled 
160 Bath war seke }?e tane I heled 
Be-twene twa thenes on hegh I- 

pyght 
In takenyng ]>at I was man of 

myght 
pat north & west on hegh hyll 
pat I may deme bath gud & ill 
Q[uia neque] ah oriente neqiie ah 

occidente &c. 
165 I thirsty was & full sore swongen 
)?e berygge most nede be drongen 

A luf-drynk I ask of J?e 
Ayzell & gall }?ai gaf to me 
Foi. 95*^-^y5 testihvLS mathew & lone 
170 Luke & Marke & many one 

And namely my moder swete 
172 ffor scho left neuer teres to lete 



155 



160 



kyng 

And frely may ^yuon my J?yng 
This witnessen )?e iewes alle 
On knes to me J?ey gonne doun 

falle 
And loude cryede in hure scornyng 
Heyl be pou lord of lewes kyng 
By-twene to men J?is was y-seled 
Bo)?e weron syke ]?at on I helud 
By-twene to )?efes on hy y-py^t 

In tokon pat I was man of my3t 

[hulle 
That north and west on wilde 
pat I may iugge bo)?e gode and ylle 
Quia neque ah oriente neque ah &c. 



165 



A}>orst I was ful sore y-swonke 
pe beuerache moste ne)?es ben 

J?ronke 
A loue-drynk I asked of )?e 
Eysel and galle ]>ou ^eue me 
Hijs testihus Matheus and lohan 

170 Luk Mark and many on 
And namely my moder swete 

172 ffor she lufte neuer teres lete 



Bod. 89 

153 Of thornes in tokenyng J?at I am 
kynge 
and frely may ^eue alle l>inge 165 
155 This wittenessith I wis all 

On knees to me thei gan falle 
and a-lowede crie on hir scornynge 168 
welcome be thou Iwys kynge a 

Betwene too men I was seled b 

160 Bo}?e were seke pe ton heled 

Betwene too peues on highe pight 
That I of alle men myght haue a 170 

si^t 
That Est and west on wilde hille 172 
I may luge bothe goode and elle 



Quia neque ah oriente neque ah 

occidente &c 
Of threste I was sore be-swonke 
The beuerage moste nede be 

dronke 
A leef drinke I axed of ]?e 
Eysell an and galle thei ^af me 
This wittenesse ]>e lewes alle 
On knees to me J?ei gan falle ^ 
and also Wittenessith Mathew and 

lohn 
luke marke and many one 
and namely my moder swete 
ffor she left neuere teres to wepe 



* Repetition of lines 155-6 above. 



THE LONG CHARTER A-TEXT 



35 



Harl. 2346 

153 Of Jjornes bi-tokenyng ]>at I am king 
And frely may ^eue al J?ing 

155 Wytnesse of J?e lewes alle 
On knees to me ]?ey gon falle 
And loude cned on her scornying 
Hail be ]>u lord & lewes kyng 
By-twyne two men f'is was y-seled 

160 Bo)?e were sike )?at on y heled 
By-twyne two )?efes on hye I-py^t 
In tokne J^at I was man of myjt 
pat north & west on hye hulle 
pat I may deme bo)?e good & ylle 
Quia neque ah oriente neque ah occi- 
dente, &c 

165 A Jpurst I was ful sore y-swonke 
pe beuerage most nedes be dronke 
A lone drynke I asked of J?e 
A ysel and galle ]?ey ^ane to me 
Hiis testihus Matheu and lohn 

170 Lnk. Mark, and many on 

Foi. 54 ^^^ namely my moder swete 

172 ffor she lefte nener terys to wepe 



Add. Bod. C. 280 

153 Of thornis in tokynyng J?at I kyng 

& frely may ^ene ]>^ my thynge 
155 pis wytnessit J?e ienys all 

2d Col. ypQQ Jigj. Jjj^yg j^ay ^g^jj AoVlU fall 

fful loude )?e cndene in her scornynge 
heil be ]>ou lorde & ieuis kynge 
Betwen two men J^is dede was selyde 

160 Bo|7e wer sek ]>ai one was heylyde 
Be-twen two ienys heye pyth 
In tokenyng ]>ai I am man of myth 
norw & west on heye helle 
pat I may demyri bo]?e goode & ylle 
Quia neque ah oriente neque ah Occi- 
dent e, &c 

165 a-prost I was & sor swynkyne 

pis beuerache most nedys be dronkyne 
a loue drynk I askede of ]?e 
heysell & galle J?ou ^ene yt me 
pis wytnessyt mathe[?] & lone 

170 Ink & mark & many one 
N'amelech my modyr swete 

172 for sche left neuer terys to lete 



Harl. 5396 



153 Of thornys yn tokyn ]>ai kyng 
And frely may ^eve all thyng 

155 pys wettenes ]>q iewys alle 
On knes to 'me ]>qj con falle 
And lowd cryed yn her scornyng 
Wilcom be J?e Iewys kyng 

159 By twene ij thenys I was seld ^ 

161 Be twene ij thenys on hygh was I py3t 

160 pe t [other] was seke & I hym helyd ^ 

162 pat all men on me ^ my3t haue sy^t ^ 
pat est & west on wylde hylle 

I am luge both of god & ylle 



Quia neque ah oryente neque ah Occi- 
dent &c 
165 for thyrst I was ful sore byswonke 

pe beuerage most nede by dronke 
Foi. zoi^ A lytyl drynk I askyd of fe 
168 Aysyll & galle J?ou gaf me 
a pys wytnesse ]?e Iewys alle * 
b On knes to me J?y con falle 

And also beryng wetnesse mathu & John 
170 luke marke & othyr many one 
And namely my modur swete 
172 3or sche left neuyr terys to lete 



* Lines 159 and 160 cancelled in MS. ' Above the line. 

'The following couplet written at the bottom of the page is marked for insertion 
between lines 162 and 163: 

" J>e toJ?er was seke & hym helyd 
The to\>er in my charter was not selyd." 

'See note preceding page. 



36 



THE MIDDLE EJSTGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Rawl. poet. 175 

173 Ar J?is chartre wry ten was 

flull oft scho said alias alias 
175 So bare I was of wordes gude 

When I suld dy on J^e rode 

pat I had noght wharof to take 

Mi testament whare-of to make 

Bot of my lefe moder & dere 
180 Scho stode bi me with a sorowfull 180 Sho stod by me with renful chere 
chere 

When I to my cosyn hir bi-toke 

Scho kest me many a sorowfnl luke 

In knawlegyng I made a cry 

Patei lamazdbathany 
185 Be-hald now men with hert & eghe 185 Byhold now man w\]> herte and ye 



Add. 11307 

173 Or J?is chartre wry to was 
Wei ofte sho seyde alas alas 

175 So bare I was of wordles god 
Whan I sholde deye vpon J?e rod 
pat I ne hadde wher to take 
My testament wherof to make 

Foi. 95i> But of my moder lef and dere 



Whan I my cosyn hure bytok 
Sho caste me many a sory lok 
In cnowlychynge I made a cry 
Pater Jama^abatany 



ffor jhour Inf how I sail degh 
G onsummatum est )?is chartre es 

done 
Man J?ou has ouer-comen fi fone 
To hell I went ]?is chartre to schew 



ffor thy lone how I shal dye 
ConsuTdmatum }?is chartre is don 



Man J?ou hast ouercome fi fon 
To helle I wente J?is chartre to 
shewe 
190 Be-for ]?i fa sathanas ]>at schrew 190 By-fore ]>i fo sathanas }?e shrewe 
pan he was schent & broght to Tho was he shent and bro3t to 
ground gronnde 

192 Wit/i nayles bored & speres wound 192 Wi)? nailes bore and speres wounde 



Bod. 89 

173 Or ]?is Chartre wreten was 

Oft sche saide alias alias 
Foi. 48 go ijare I was of worldes goode 

Thanne I deyede on ]?e rode 187 

177 That ne hadde where-to to take 

My testament where-of to take 

But my leef moder dere 
180 She stoude by me wij? rufull chiere 

whenne I to my Cosyn here tok[e^] 190 

Sche kest vp many a sory looke 
183 In knowynge I made a cry 192 



Pater lama^abatany 
Beholde man wij? hert and eye 
ft'or ]>i loue now shall I deye 
Consummatum est this Chartre is 

now doone 
Man )?ou hast ouerecome ]?i foone 
To helle I went this chartre to 

shewe 
To-for thi foo sathanas J?at shrewe 
he was shent and brou^t to grounde 
Thurgh nayles bore and speres 

wounde 



* e is indicated here, but hidden by a fold in the paper. 



the long charter a-text 37 

Harl, 2346 Add. Bod. C. 280 

173 Or pis chartre y-writen ^ was 113 Or J?is charter wrytyn was 
iful ofte she seyde alias alias ful oftyn ache seyd alias alias 

175 So bare I was of worlych good 175 So bar \>at was of wordys goode 
When I shnld dey vpon }?e rood wan ]>at I schnlde deyn vpon |?e 

rode 
pat I nadde wher-to to take Ipat I ne hade werof to takyn 

My testament where-on ^ to make My testament for to makyne 

But of my leef moder dere But of my leue modyr deie 

180 She stode by me with sorful chere 180 sche stod be me wyth sory chere 
Whan I my cosyn hir by-toke Wan ]>at I my cosyn here be-tok 

She cast on me many a sory loke sche cast vp-on me many rewful 

look 
In knowleche y made a cry In knouelachyng y mad a cry 

Pater lamaphatany Patev lamdba^atany 

185 By-hold now man wiiJi herte & ye 185 Be-holde man wyth hert & eye 
ffor [^] loue how I shal dye ffor ]>i [•*] how I schall deye 

C onsummatuTd ]?is chartre is done pis charter is done [ foyne 

Man J?u hast ouer-come J?i foon Man ]>ovi hast ouer-comy/i }>in 

To helle y wente J^is chartre to To helle I went }>is charter to 

shewe scheuyri 

190 By-fore sathanas ]7at olde shrewe 190 be-for J?i fone satan ]>q schreue 
pat he was shent & brou^t to pat he was cast & broght to grunde 

grouTide 

192 Wit/i nailes bore and speres wonde 192 wyth neylys bore & sperys wonde 

Harl. 5396 

173 Or ]?ys charter wretyn was Pat^Y lamaphathanye 

Oftyn sche seyd alias alias 185 But hold man with hert & eye 

175 So bare I was of worldys gode ffor J^y loue now schal I dye 

pen I dyed upon )?e rede pys charter ys now all don 

])at pen had noght ^ wherwith to Man J^u hast ouyrecome ]?y fone 
take Foi. 305^0 helle I went pis chartre to 

My testament where-wyth to make schewe 

But of my leve modur dere 190 Before pj fo sathanas pat schrewe 

ISO Sche stode hjmewith rufull chere he was schent & bro^t to grovnde 

pen I my cosyn hur be-toke 192 Thorow naylys bore & sperys 

Sche hast up many a sory loke wovnde 

In swonyng y made a crye 

^ Immediately following this in the MS. is a t/ cancelled. 

" h written above the line. ^ The word in this space is blurred. 

* Blank space in MS. * Above the line. 



38 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Kawl. poet. 175 
193 A strayt couand made }?are was 193 

Bi-twene me & Sathanas 

195 All my catell to haue o-way 195 

pat he reft with ^ f als pray 
O-gayne I come & made a feste 
Omang )?e mast & J^e leste 
A-party men ]?an gan knaw me 

200 pat I was man of gret pouste 200 
pat fest lasted f ourty dawes 
To do men knaw my new lawes 
pat fest was all of ioy & blys 
pat Pasch day yh'it called es 

205 Ane endenture I left with J?e 205 

pat euer J?ou suld syker be 
In prestes handes my flesch & ^°^- ^"^ 

blode 
pat for \>e dyed on j?e rode 
And my kay I toke all-so 

210 In taken Ipat I was vndo 210 

To bere with J?e whare so }?on go 

212 pan thar ]>e noght dred Ipi fo 212 



Add. 11307 

A scrit^ of conenaunt I-mad ]>er 

was 
By-twene me and sathanas 
Al my catel to haue away 
That he me raf te with f als fray 
Agayn y com and made a feste 
Among ]?e leste and )?e meste 
Aparty ]?o men gonne knowe me 
That I was man of gret pouste 
That feste lestej? fourty dawes 
To do men knowe my newe lawes 
That feste was of ioye and blis 
That esterday 3et y-cleped ys 
On endenture I lafte with }?e 
That euere J?ou sholdest syker be 
In prestes bond my flesch and blod 

That for ]?e dyed vpon )?e rod 
A by ke>>e ^ I tok J?e also 
The tokene pat I was onne y-do 
To bere wij? ]?e were so J?ou go 
Thanne )?ar )?e not drede of )?i fo 



Bod. 89 



193 A Chartre of couenauntes made 



was 
Betwene me and sathanas 
195 Alle my cataill to haue a- way 
That he me reft wij? his fals pray 
ajein I cam and a feste 
a-monge the meeste and the leste 
Thanne atte )?e firste men gan 
know me 
200 That I was man of grete postee 



Fol. 48b 

205 



210 



212 



That feste was of Ioye and blys 
That pasche day cleped is 
On endenture I laft wi]? J?e 
That euere thou scholdest seke be 
In preestes honde my fflesshe and 

blod 
That for pe deyde on )?e rode 
a bykeye I toke J^e also 
The Tokyn j^at I was on doo 
To bere wuj? the where thou goo 
Thanne dare the nou^t drede ]>i foo 



^ A second with also occurs. 
•Ms. Ascrit. 



hykwepef — see Glossary. 



THE LONG CHARTEK A-TEXT 



39 



Harl. 2346 



Bod. Add. C. 280 



193 A wryt of couenat/nt I-made Iper 193 a scryth of a conenaunt mad per 
was was 

By-twyne me and sathanas Be-twexyn me & satanas 

195 Al my catel to haue a-way [pray 195 alle myn to hauyn a- way 

pat he me rauesched with fals pat he me be-reft wyth fals pmy 

A-^en y come and made a f este ^^^- ^^s a-^an y come & made a fest 
Among alle bo]?e mest and leste a-monges all men most & lest 

Foi. 54b A-party men J?o gur^ne knowe me A-party |?o men guny/t knoue me 

200 pat I was man of grete powste 
pe fest last XL dawys [lawys 

To done men knawyn my ryth 
pe fyrst it is of ioye & blys 
pat hesterne day clepyd is 
205 hon endentwre y lefte with pe 
pat ouer al pou schnldys syker be 
In prestys hand my flesche & eke 

my blode 
pat for pe deyde vp-on pat rod 
on bycaye i tok pe also 
210 pe rode pat i was vp-on ydo 

To beryn wyth pe were pat pou go 
212 panne darst pou^ nere dvejdjn 
pi to 



200 pat I was man of gret pouste 
pe feste laste fourty dawes 
To do men knowe my newe lawes 
pe feste was al of Ioye and blisse 
pat yesterday 3et holden ys 

205 On endenture y laft with pe 
pat oiieral ]?u shnldest siker be 
In prestes hond my flesh & blod 

pat for pe deyed on pe rood 

A key y toke j^e al-so 



210 



212 



To here with pe where )?u go 



Harl. 5396 



193 A charter conunant made was 
Bytwene me ^ & sathanas 

195 All my catel to hane away 
pat he me reft with fals pray 
A-^eyn I come & made a fest 
A-mong pe most & pe lest 
pen atte furst men knowe con me 

200 pat I was man of gret powste 
pat fest lastyd XL dayes 
To do men knowe pe newe wes 



pat fest was of Ioye & blysse 
pat estyr day ^et clepyd ys 

205 One endentnr I left with pe 
pat euyr ]7u schalt sekyr be 
In prestys hand yn flesch & blode 
pat for pe dyed pe rode 
A bykeye I toke pe also 

210 pe cros J^at I was on do 

To here with pe where-so poii go 

212 pen thar pe not drede pj fo 



darst \>ou " is written twice. 



me " repeated. 



40 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



RaWL. POET. 175 

213 To my fader I most gone 

214 ffor all his will I haue done 



Add. 11307 

213 To my fader I moste gon 

214 ffor al his wille I haue y-don 



215 A cote armure I bare with me 215 
ffor ]>at I toke of ]>i lyuere 
pe cloth was ryche & wele fyne 21. 
pe chaumpe it was of red camelyne 

A wele fair may to me it wroght 
220 Out of hir boure I it broght 220 

Powderd with fyn roses rede 
Woundes ]?at I tholed in dede 
pat when I come o-gayn to J?e 
224 pare-by fou myght knaw me 224 



A cote armure I bar wi]? me 
ffor ]>at I tok of ]>j leuere 
The cloj? was ryche and ry^t fyn 
The chaumpe it was of red 

camelyn 
A wel fay re mayde to me it wro^t 
Out of hure hour I it broujt 
I-poudred with fyue roses rede 
WiJ? woundes pat I deled dede 
Whan I com eft a^eyn to )?e 
Ther-by my^t )?ou knowe me 



Bod. 89 



213 To my fadowr I most goone 

214 ffor alle his wille I haue doon 



215 a cote armuowr I bare wi]? me 
ffor ]?at I tooke of thy lyuerere 
That chothe was good and fyn [lyn 
The chaumpe was of rede chame- 
A wele faire may hit wrought 

220 and ought of here boure I hit 
brought 
I powdred wi]? fyn rose rede 
woundes J^at I tholede dede 
Whanne I come oft agayn to the 

224 Ther-by )?ou mayst knowe me 



THE LONG CHARTER A-TEXT 



41 



Harl. 3346 

213 To my fader I most gon 213 

214 ffor al his wille I haue done 214 

a 
b 
c 
d 
e 
f 

g 
h 

215 A cote Armure y bare with me 215 
ffor pat I took of )?i lyuere 

pe cloj? was riche & wel fyne 
pe champe was of white camelyn 

[wrou^t 
A wel faire maide to me hit 
220 Out of hire boure I hit brou^t 220 
I-poudred with fyue roses rede 
Of wondes fat I ]?oled dede 



When y com eft a^en to )?e 
224 per-by my^t 'pu knowe me 



224 



Add. Bod. C. 280 

ffor to my fadir I most go 

all is wyl I ane do 

on halJ?rost day I vndyre-stond 

y went vp-on my fadyr reth honde 

To deme pe qwyk & eke pe deyd 

al lajn to schyldyn fro pe qned 

a witsonday werement 

a-don I sent wyth goode talent 

wit & wysdame to all mankynde 

all men to scheldene fro pe f ende 

a cote armowr I bar with me 

for pat I tok of J?i lyuere 

pe cloth was ryche god & fyne 

pe chomp it was oft whyt came- 

lyne [wroght 

A wel faire mayden to me it 
vt of here boure he me it broght 
It was pouderyde with V rose rede 
pat were pe wondys pat I for man 

sufferyd ded 
wen I come heft a-^ayn to pe 
perby mayst pou wel knoue me 



Harl. 5396 



213 To my fadur I must gon foI. 305t» 215 

214 ffor all hys wyll I haue don 



220 



A kote armur I bart with me 
ffor pat 1 toke for loue of pe 
pat closth was bothe gode & fyne 
And hyt hath suff ryd mych pyne 
A full f ayr may hyt wrojt 
Out of hur body hyt was brojt 
hyt was powdryd all with red 
Wowndyd pat suffryd ded 
When I come efte agenn to pe 
224 Wher-by^ pou may knowe me 



* h written above the line. 



42 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Eawl. poet. 175 

225 pase ]>at bene of rent bi-hynde 225 
And J?es dedeshaue noght in mynde 
Sore may J?ai be a-dred 
When ]?is chartre sail be red 
All )?a sail to hell pyne 

230 And with me to blys sail myne 230 

231 Pay ]?i rent kepe )?e fra gylt 231 
Come & clayme when J^oii wylt 

pe blys pat lost our forme frende 

234 To fe whilk cnst vs bring with- 
outen ende. 
A— M— E— N— . 



Add. 11307 

Tho ]>at ben of rente be-hynde 
An J?use dedes haue no^t in mynde 
Sore may peyer ben adrad 
Whan ]?is chartre shal ben rad 
Alle pej shulle to helle pyne 
With me to blisse shulle go myne 
Pay pi rente kep pe fro gylt 
Come and cleyme whan pou wylt 
The blisse pat loste oure former 

frende 
Crist vs sende wij^outen ende. 

Amen 



Bod. 89 

225 Thise J?at ben of rent by-hynde ^°i- *^Pay J?ei rent and kepe pe from gilt 
and thise dedes haue not in mynde Come and chalenge what )?ou wilt 
Sore may thei ]?a ben a-dradde To )?at blis )?at lost oure forme 

Whanne J^is Chartre shall be redde frende 

alle )?ei shulle to helle pyne 234 Crist vs brynge wi)?-oute ende 

230 wif> me to blis hulle gone myn Amen ^ 

Explicit carta Christi 



* For marks of ownership, etc., occurring upon this folio, see description of the MS. 
at pp. xxxi f. 



THE LON'G CHARTER A-TEXT 



43 



Hael. 2346 



Add. Bod. C. 280 



225 po J?at ben of rente bi-hynde 225 All ]>o ]>at be of rente be-hyndyne 

And ]?ese lone-dedes hane no^t in & my lone-dedys hane noght in 



mynde 
Sore may ]>qj )?an be a-drad 
Whan ]?is chartre she be rad 
AUe )?ey shnlle to helle pyne 
Foi. 55 230 Wi]? me to blisse shnl go 
myne 
a Pay J?i rente bue no^t by-hinde 



mynae 
2d Col. f[^i gor mon J?ay ben adrad 
wen )?is charter schall be red 
All ]?ey schnll til helle peyne 
230 wyth me to blis schuU gone all 
myne 
a perfor pay)?i rent be nath be-hynde 
b ffor }7our3 ]?e ^ere )7u my^t \>ai gras b prow )?e ^er )?ou myth grace fynde ^ 
fynde 
231 Pay ]>\ dette kepe )?e fro gylt 231 Pay J?i dettys & kep )?e fro gylte 
Come and clayme when )?ii wylt & come & chalange wen ]>ai )?on 

wylte 
pe blysse]?at lost onre forme frende pat blesse ]>at lese vr form frende 
234 Crist vs graunt wit/i-oute ende 234 Cryst it vs grante with-vtyn ende 
Amen. a pat is to se}Ti )?e blysse of henyn 

b amen for is name senyn 

Explicit carta dommi noshi ihe^u 
Cliristi ^ 



Harl. 5396 



225 pey J?at bene of rent be-hynde 
And thyse dedys hane no^t yn 

mynde 
Sore may ]>qj ben ^ a-dredde 
When ]>Q charter schall ben red 
All ]?ey schall to hell pyne 
230 Wtt/t me to blysse schall go alle 
myne 



231 Pay py dete & kepe ]>q fro gylt 
Come & chalange what * )?at wylt 
pe blysse J?at lastyth eiiyr to my 
frende 
234 Cryste us brynge wtt/i-owtyn ende 
Explicit ^ 



^A faint mark, as though half erased, occurs over this word. 

«Cf. lines 127-8. 

* For marks of ownership on this folio see description of the MS. at p. xxxi. 

*tci is written after this word. 

''Some scribbling follows which seems to read: " Fayre Fayre sone he sayde." 



44 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Magd. Coll. Oxf. St. Peter in the East 18^ (verso) 



Ihesu kyng of heuen ant helle 
man & woman y kil ]?e telle 
What lone y hane do to pe 
loke what lone )?ou hast do to me 
5 Of alle ioye pou were ont-pnlt 
with treson & with-oute gylt 
Pore J?on were dryue a-way 
as a best ]>at go)? on stray 
Fro my ryche y come a-donne 

10 to seche ]>e fro toun to toun 
Myn heritage pat is so fre 
in pj mischef to ^yne hit pe 
whenne pis 3yft 3yne pe y sholde 
y dyde as J?e lawe wolde 

15 To a mayde y ordeynyd me 
for no chalenge shulde be 
Wei worj7ily he kepte pe ant me 
til y my tyme wolde see 
Ponrty wokes and fonrty daies 

20 to fulfille pe ri3t lawes 

pe mayde was triwe hende & free 
he resceyned ^ bo)7e ^ me & ]?e 
Me J?y manhede & pj grace 
pus cam sesing furst a place 

25 Whan pis sesyng was y-do 
ful grete enuy hadde )?o pj foo 
po belzebnb & sathanas 
hadde grete wonder wh [i] ^ hit was 
He fondit me with f elonye 

30 with pride conetyse & glotonye 
Wei he wiste y was a manne 
but synne on me fonde he none 



33 Hard he ]?retned me in hys foujt 
pat pat sesyng shulde be dere bou3t 

35 He sent his seruantes with maistrie 
With wo & sorowe me to destrye 
Wei he fonde hym gayned no^t 
ano)?er pyng was in my J^oujt 
More syker pe to make 

40 a^ens J?y foo ful of wrake 
Heuen & eipe in present 
to make a chartre of feoffament 
In suche a maner be-houyj? to be 
pat y most 3yue my lyfe for J^e 

45 For pou art dede ant y am lif 
y most dye to ^yue pe lif 
Mony a way y haue go 
in hungre & thirst thole & wo 
pritti wynter & mo fan too 

50 er my charter were full doo 
No my3t y * fynde no parchemyn 
for to laste with-oute fyne 
But as lone bad me doo 
myn owne skyn y toke }?er-too 

55 To gete me f rendys y gaf good mede 
so do}> pe pore pat haue more nede 
On a J?orsday a souper y made 
frend & fo to make glade [fode 
With mete ant drynke to soulys 

60 With holy wordes my flesh & blode 
pis y made for mankynde 

C>2 My loue-dedys to haue in mynde 
Hoc facite in meam comemoraci- 
onem 



^Transcript resteyned. 'The last letter is blurred but looks like o. 

^ The first letter has been altered in writing. * Transcript mi^ty. 



MANUSCRIPTS 



OF 



THE LONG CHARTER 



B-TEXT 



THE LOKG CHAKTER— B-TEXT 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 



Bona carta gloriose passionis 
domini nostri ihesu Christi^ 



Fol. 235 



Fol. 42»> 




will rede this 



so euyr 
boke 
And with gostly ey 
there-yn loke 
To othir thynge schall he not 

wende 
To sane his sowle fro the fende 
5 Than for to do as this boke telleth 
ffor holy wrytt f or-soth hit spellyth 
Whare-fore y pray yow for eharite 
In this booke ye reede and see 
"With all yonre hert and yowre mynd 

10 And kepe trewly pat ye per-jn fynde 
And that ye fulfyll in dede 
Which in this booke ye doth reede 
Nowe ye schull hyre anon ryght 
Howe criste spekyth to vs all ty^t 

15 Wordis of a chartoi^r pat he hafe 

wrow^t 

16 that ye schall kepe with all yoi^r 

)?ow3t 
C With all youre hert and yowr mynde 
-j And kepe trewly pat ye there-yn 






fynde ^ 
to make a chartoi^r by-houyj? 

many pyng ^ 

As parchement pen and ynke 
Wex and seele wytnyssith also 
Yowre rent pat ye per for schall do 




o-so-euyr wyll rede onyr 
this boke 
And wyth his gostely 
pere-ln loke 
Tyl the scole dare he not wende 

To sane is sowle frome the fende 
5 panne for to do as this boke tellyth 
for holy wrytte f or-soth it spellyth 
where-for I pmye 30U for charyte 
30 that this boke wyl rede or see 
Sett youre hertes pere-on & jour 
mendys 
10 kepe derworthly )?at 3e pere-in fynde 
And fulfyll it in dede 
that 3e schnl no we in this boke rede 
for 3e schnl now here A-none ryghte 
yonre Sanyour speke to 30U a-plyght 
15 wordys of chartur pat he hath 
wronghte 



*At the top of this folio is some writing, illegible to me. 
' Repetition of lines 9 and 10, apparently by mistake. 

^For lines corresponding to this and the following three, cf. C-Text (ms. Reg. 17. c. 
xvn). 

46 



THE LOKG CHAKTER— B-TEXT 



CoTT. Calig. a II. 



Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 



Carta ihesu Christi 



Fol. 77« 



1 Who SO wyll ouer-rede thys boke 

And with hys gostlye ye ]?e.r-on 

loke 
To olpev skole dare he not wende 
For to sane his sowle fro )?e fende 
6 Then for to do as ]>is boke telleth 
For holy wryte for-soj^e hit spelleth 
AVherfore y pray pu for charyte 
3e pat J?is boke wyll rede or se 
With puT herte & all puv mynde 
10 Bereth derwor]7ly ]>at ^e her fynde 

And fulfylle htt in dede 

That 30 now yn ]>is boke shull rede 

For ^e shull here a-none ryght 

How puT sauyot^r speketh to 30U 

as-ty^te 
•15 Wordns of a charter ]>at he hath 

wrow^th 
16 That je mow kepe yn all puT 

]?ow3th 




here folowep I'e chartur of crifte 

Fol. 39b 

ho-so will oner-rede this 

boke 
And wyth hys goostly eye 
j7er-on loke 
To odnr scole dar he not wende 
Fol. 40'' To sane hys sonle fro the fende 
5 Than for to do as ]?ys boke tellyth 
ff or holy wryte f or-sothe hyt spellyth 
Wherefore y pray yow for charyte 
He that thys boke wyll rede or see 
Wyth yowre herte & all yowre mynde 
10 Kepyth derwor]?ely ]>at ye h«re-in 
fynde 
And fnlfyllyth hyt in dede 
That ye schnll now in J?ys boke rede 
ffor now stonde ye full styll here 

anoTi ry^t 
Yowre sauyo^^r wyll speke to yow 
ys ty^t 
15 Wordes of a chartt^r J?at he hath 

wroght 
3 6 That ye now knowe in all yowre 
tho^t 



47 



48 



THE MIDDLE E]S^GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 

17 Who this chartoi^r doth vndirstonde 
teche hit forth in diuerse londe 
to othir fat hauej^e it now^t sayne 

20 hit saujlpe sowlis fro J?e payne 

a Ye that come]?e and wol no^t teche 
b May be a-gast of god-is wreche 

21 Ellis schull ye no3t withoutyn stryfe 

Passe fro the world to J?e lond of lyf e 

Now schall y be-gyn to rede per-on 
Criste grawnt yow pes eue/y-chone 

25 Ihesus lorde of heuen and hell 
to man and woma/i woll y tell 
loke whate lone y hane y-do to ]>e 

28 loke whate lone ]>ou hast do to me 
a Aftyr my-silfe pou were the beste ^ 
b Of all creations ]>ou art fayreste 

c A fayrer creature may none be 
d Aftir my-silfe y made the 
e But for pou were vnbuxum to me 
f And etyste an appuU of a tre 

2nd Col. 

g pat y forbode ]>ou scholdyst no3t take 
h pou were y-dreue a-way with ]>y make 

29 if ram paradise pou were y-pulte 

30 'With care and sorow all to-spulte 
And there pou were y-dryne a-waye 
As a beste that goth in-straye 
ffrom my kyngdome y come downe 
to seche the fram towne to towne 

35 To helpe the of thy myschefe 
Dereworth sowle pou art me lefe 
My heritage pat is so fre 
In thy myschefe y yaue the 



17 



20 
a 
b 

21 



Fol. ' 

25 



28 
a 
b 
c 
d 
e 
f 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 

pat 30 thys boke cnnne vndystonde 

Telle 30 it in All thys londe 

To other }?at thys boke haue not seyne 

To Sane here sowles as yonre owene 

for they )?at cunue And wyl not teche 

It is to drede of ful gret wrethe 

for ellys 30 schnl nat wyth-oute gret 

stryfe 
frome thys worlde passe to pe londe of 

lyfe 
Now he wyl be-gynne to rede pere-one 
his pees he 3eue vs euerychone 

Ihesu lorde of heuene & helle 
Mane And womane I wyll the telle 
loke what lone I haue do for the 
And loke what loue pou hast do for me 



g • 
h . 

29 frome paradyse pou were owt pytte 

30 Wyth care And sorowe pou were spylte 
And for pou were I-drawe A-waye 

as best that gooth A-straye 

for my ryghte I came A-downne 

To seke the frome townne to townne 
35 To helpe the in thyne myschefe 

derworthly soule )?at Art my lyfe 

Myne erytage that is so fre 

In thy myschefe I 3af the 

And whanne pat solynge A-3eue pe soldc 
40 I dyde as J^e iewes wolde 



» Cf. C-Text, vv. 35-38 and 41-44 inclusive. 



THE LONG CHAETER B-TEXT 



49 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 

And when ^e ]>is boke kan vnf>erstonde 
Teche htt forth J^orow all J?ts londe 
Vntyll opev ]>at ]?is boke haue not so wen 

To sane )?eyr sowles ry^th as ^our owen 



21 For ellys ^e shnll not ^iihoui gret 
stryfe 
Fro )?ts worlde passe into ]?e londe of lyf 

Now y wyll begynne to rede }?ereon 
Hys pees he jeue vs euerychone 

25 Ihesn lord of henen & helle 
Man & wommon y woll 30W telle 
Loke what lone y haue to )?ee 

28 And loke what lone J?ou hast to me 



Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 

17 And who thys boke can undurstonde 
Teche hyt forthe thorow ows ]?ys londe 
Oon-tyll oJ?ur J?at J^ys boke hane now 
swane 

20 To sane ther soulys ry^t as ]?er owne 
a ffor he that can and wyll not teche 
b Hyt ys to drede of full grete wreche 

21 ffor ellys ye can not wtt/iowt grete stryfe 



ffor ]?ys worlde passyj? in-to J?e londe of 

lyfe 
Now y wyll begynne to rede ther-one 
Hys pees he yene us euery-chone 
Ihesu lorde of heuene and helle 
Man & woman y wole yow telle 
Loke what prowe y do 1 to )?e 



25 



28 



29 Fro paradys J70u were out pylte 

30 With kare & sorow ]?ou bef all spylte 

And for}>e ]>om here drawe a-way 
As a beste ]>ai goth a-straye 
For my ryght y come a-downe 
To seke ]>q fro town to towne 

35 To holpe ]?e yn ]?y myschef 
Derworth sowle ]?ou art me lef 
M.jn Erytage ^ai ys so fre 
In J?y myschef to ^eue hit ]?e 
And when ]>ai sesyng y ^eue shulde 

40 A dede as ]>q jewys wolde 



And 
me 



oke what loue ]>ou haste done to 



29 ffro paradys )?ou were owte pylte 

30 Wtt/t care & sorowe ]?ou were owt y- 

spylte 
And forthe )?ou were dreven a-way 
As a beste ^at goyth on-straye 
ffor my ryght y come a-downe 
To seke the fro towne to towne 

35 To helpe the in thy myschef e 
Derworthe soule thou were lefe 
Myn herytage that ys ^ so free 
In thy myschefe to yeue thee 
And whene ]?e sesyng y gyf ]>q schulde 

40 I dudd ^ as the yewes wolde 



^Before do the scribe wrote Jiaue and afterwards cancelled it. 
^ There is a tail on the s in this word. 
^ Hie et passim after words ending in dd this scribe adds a tail which probably represents a 
final e. 



60 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 



41 To a mayde y toke me 41 To a mayde I be-toke me 

42 Whan y conseyuyd schulde be 42 Whanne I conseywyd schulde be 
a Derwardly sche kept me a ful derly for-soth sche kepte me 
b Till tyme fulfyllid schulde be b To the tyme fulfylled be 

43 the mayde was mylde and free 43 the mayde was mylde trew & fre 
he reseyuyd me for the sche reseyued,^ me for the 

45 ISTyne monnthis with hir y was 45 X^ monthes wyth here I was 

to make a-mendis for thi trespas to make A-mendis for thy trespace 

Whan y was to ]?is world y-borne here I in-to the worlde was borne 

to sane the that were forlorne To Sane mankende ]>at was forlorne 

Throwe vertu and throwe grace thorow myn wertu And thorow myn 

gmce 

50 Come this seyson furst in place 50 thus came furst this selynge in place 

51 Virgyn mary mayde mylde ^^^- ^^''virgyne marie mayde mylde 
Wyth me he went grete with childe wyt me thus went gret wyth childe 

And whanne thys Selynge vas I-do 

wyl gret En^^e hade the foo 

55 That cursyd fende sathanas 55 pat cursed fende Sathanas 

Had grete meruayle why hit was hade gret wondyr why it was 

wher-for I schulde so meche loue the 

. that so vnkend hast be to me 

59 Wroth he was hit helpid him no3t wroth he was it helpe hyme noughte 

60 the to helpe euer was my thou^t 60 for to helpe the was All my thoughte 
He temptyd me to grete foly he tempted me to gret foly 

With pryde couetyse and gloteny In pride covetyse And gloteny 

Well he wyste y was a man And wyl he wyste I was A mane 

64 But synne in me fownde he none But synne in me fonde he none 

65 for-soth ^ ful herde he thrett me 

that sesynge schulde dere A-boughte be 

for to dystroy me thorow hys myghte 

68 68 And putt the for euyr frome my syghte 



* Ms. for corrected from forth. 



1 



THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 



61 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 



Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 



41 Vntyll a mayde y be-toke me 

42 When ]>at y co/iceyued shulde be 
a ffull wordyly she kepte me 

b Tyll ]?e tyme fulfylled shuld be 

43 The mayde was trwe mylde & fre 
She me reseyued for loue of J?e 

45 Nyne monethes with her y was 
To make amendes for ]>j trespas 
Or y ynto ]>is worlde was borne 
To saue mankynde pat was forlorn 
Thorow )?e vertu of my grace 

50 Thus kome ]>is sesyng fyrst in place 
Vyrgyn Mary mayden mylde 
With me went grette with chylde 
And when ]>is sesyng was all y-do 
Grete enuye hadde ]>y fo 

55 That cursedde fend satanas 
Hadde gret wonj^er why hit was 
Wherfor j wolde so myche loue ]?e 
That so vnkynde hast be to me 
Wroth he was hit helpede hym no3t 

60 For to helpe ]?e was all my }?ow3t 
He tempted me yn so gret foly 
An pride couetyse & glotenye 
And well he wyste y was a man 
But synne yn me fonde he none 

65 ffor-so]7e well harde he J^retened me 
How pat sesyng shuld dere y-bow3t b[e] 
For to destroye me ]?orow his m[y3ht] 

68 And putte J?e for euer out of m[y sy3ht] 



41 Tyll a maydyn y be-toke mee 

42 When y conceyuyd schulde bee 



43 The maydyn was trewe mylde & free 
Sche resseyuyd me for loue of thee 

45 Nyne monthes with hur y was 
To make amendys for thy trespas 
Or y in-to thys ^ worlde was borne 
To saue mankynde pat was forlorne 
Throrowe my vertue and my grace 

50 Thus came pjs sesyng fyrste on place 
Vyrgyne mary maydyn mylde 
Wyth me went pus grete with chylde 
And when J?ys sesynge was all y-do 
Well grete envy hadd thy foo 

55 That cursydd fende satanas 
Had grete wondur why hyt was 
wherefore y wolde so moche loue pe 
That so vnkynde haste pou be to me 
Wroth he was hyt helpyd hym no3t 

60 ffor to helpe the was all my j^oght 
He tempted me in so grete folye 
Pryde couetyse and glotenye 
And well he wyste y was a man 
But synne in me fonde he none 

65 ifor-sothe ryght harde he threted me 
That sesynge schulde haue beten me 
ffor to dystroye me ]?orow hys my^t 

68 And put the for-euer owt fro my sy3t 



^The s in this word is followed by a tail. 



52 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 



69 Derwarde sowle herkny to me 

70 And a newe ioye y tell to the 

to make this charto^^r of feoffametit 
Heuen and er]?e schall be present 
Hit schall in such maner be 
pat y mote ^ene my lyfe for the 
75 Whan y am dede man be thow kynde 

And haue this chartowr euer in mynde 
ffor thy enemy ]?at ]?e hath sow^t 

Foi. 235»> i\yQ ^q1i for-yete ryght nowght 
there-fore y wol day for thy folye 

80 to brynge the in my company 
I am a-lyne and }?on art dede 
y yef the lyfe a-yenste )?e qiiede 
To helpe the y am redy 
And to sane the f ram thy enmye 

85 Many a way y haue y-goo 

In hungyr chele and thurste also 
Thyrty wyntyr and thre there-to 
Was all ar all my disese were y-do 
Parchemente to fynde wyste y none 

90 To make a chartowr a-yenste thy fone 
That schall leste with-outyn mynde 

92 Herkeneth to me wordis and eynde 



69 No we derworthly soule herke to me 

70 And A newe Ioye I xal telle the 
To make A chartore of feffemente 
heuene And erth schuld be presente 
But in soth ^ A maner it mot nede be 
pat I xall 3eue myne lyfe for the 

75 And whanne I Am dede ma/i be ]>o\i 

kende 
And haue thys chartur euyr in mende 
for A enmye J?ou hast Ipat hath Ipe 

soughte 



Foi. 44a fQj. I ^yi^Q fQj, ^^j^Q f^iy 

80 And brynge the in-to my company 
I am lyf And ]?ou art dej? 
I wuU 3eue lyf A-3ene )?e qued 
for to helpe I ame All redy 
to saue the euyr frome ihyn enmye 

85 for many way I haue goo 

In hunger thryst schel And wo 
xxxti wyntyr And thre )?ere-to 
or my desese were All do 
Parchement to fynde wyst I none 

90 To make thy charture A-3ene thy fone 
pat wolde last wyth-oute ende 

92 herkenyth now to my wordes hende 



i 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 
The Chartur 



Foi. 90* 

69 Nowe derworthy Sowle herkyn to me 
And a newe Ioye I shall telle the 



tr 



make a charti/r of f efment ^ 
hevyn and erthe shall be present 
But in such manere hit mvst nedys be 
That I shall yelde my lyfe for the 



75 And whan I am dede man be ]>ou kynde 
And haue thys charter evyr in thy 

mynde 
ffor an enemye that hathe )7e ^ sought 
But I shall for no thyng lese the nought 
ffor I wylle dye for thy folye 

80 And brynge the in-to my companye 



* Immediately preceding this line is a duplicate of it, which is cancelled, the fourth word 
being spelled chartour. 
'Thus the MS. 'Jje is inserted above the line. 



THE LONG CHARTEE B-TEXT 



63 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 



Camb. Umv. Ff. 2. 38. 



69 N'oY/ dere worth soule herken [to me] 

70 And a newe joye shall y telle [)?e] 
To make a chartur of feffem[ent] 
Heuen & er]?e shall be pres[eiit] 
Htt moste nedus in suche man[er be] 
That y most jolde my lyf fo[r )?e] 

75 And whdn y am deed man J?e[n be 
Ipou kynde] 

And haue ]>is chartyr euer yn J?[y 
mynde] 

ffor J?yn enmy ]>at hath ]>e so[w3ht] 

And 3yt shall y lose pe now3[t] 

ffor y woll dye for ]?y f oly 
80 And brynge J?e yn-to my cu[mpanye] 

I am lyf and pou art dede 

Call pou my lyf a^eyn ]?y [nede] 

ifor to helpe pe y am redy 

To sane ]>e euei fro J?yn en [my] 
85 ffor many a v.ay haue y [goo] 

In hunger ]?ryste chele & woo 

Thrytty wyntyr & )?re J?erto 

Or my desese wer all y-do 

Parchemyn to fynde wyste y none 
90 To make a chartur a3ens ]?y fone 

That wolde laste wit/i-owten ende 
92 Herken now to my wordes hende 



69 

70 



75 



'Now derworthe soule herken to me 
And a newe yoye y schall telle to J^e 
To make a chartur of feffement 
Heuen and erthe schall be presente 
But in soche a maner hyt muste be 
That y schall ^elde my lyfe for the 
And whan y am dede man be pou kynde 

And haue ]>js chartur euyr in pj mynde 



ffor an enemy that hathe the soght 
But y schall for noJ?yng lese J?e no3t 
ffor y vfold dye for thy folye 
And brynge in-to my companye 
I am a-lyue and thou art dedd^ 
Foi. 40b I ^^tqI^ jq^q niy lyfe ayenste pj quede 
ffor to helpe pe y am all redy 
ffor to saue J?e euer fro ]?yn enemye 

85 ffor many a way y haue y-goo 
In hungur thurste cheyle & woo 
Thretty wyntur & thre therto 
Or my dysese were all y-doo 
Perchement to fynde wyste y noone 

90 To make thy chartur a-yenste J?y foone 
That Vv'olde laste with-owten ende 

92 Herkenyth now to my wordys hende 



80 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



81 I am lyfe and thou art dede 

I wylle yeve my lyfe a-yenst thyn quede 
ffor to helpe the I am alle redy 
ffor to saue the euer ^ fro thyn enemy 

85 ffor many a way I have goo 
In hunger thruste chele and woo 



Thyrty wynter and thre J?er-to 
Or my dyssese were alle I-doo 
Parchemy/i to fynde wyst I noone 

90 To make the chartii/- a-yenst thy foone 
That wold last wit/toutyn ende 

92 herkenys no we to my free wordys hende 



^ Euer is inserted above the line. 



Or dedef 



54 



THE MIDDLE EI^GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 

93 But as trewe loue me bad to do 93 

Myne owne skynne y toke there-to 

95 And whan y hadd so y-do 95 

ffew frendis hadd y tho 
To geete me frendis y jafe gret mede 

98 As doth the poure that hath nede 

100 

101 Than my-selue for the 
Was y-naylid to the tree 
On a thorsday a soper y made 

104 With frendis and foys to make hem glad 

105 Of brede and wyne the sacrament 105 
Euyr to be onre testament 

hit is my fleysche and my blode 
To hem that lyuyth in mylde mode 
To hem that dyeth out of charite 
110 her dampnacioun for euyr schall be 
here schall y foure wordis teche 
to the peple and it preche 
therefore take hit to yowre mynde 
yf ye will to heuen wende 

115 Now this word is of the sacrament 115 

116 that men schall reseyue verament 116 



Fol. 44" 



110 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. ^ 

but as trewe loue bad me do 
Myne owne sky/ine I toke pereto 
And whanne I hade ^it so I-do 
wul fewe frendes had I ]?o 
to gete me frendes I 3af gret mede 
as doth )?e pore )?at hath gret nede 
But for to 3eue the I hade no more 
for thi sowle J^at was for-lorne 
]?anne my-selfe for to ^eue the 
f>at for the dyed vppone A tre 
vppone A thursday A sopyr I made 
Both frend & foo to make heme glade 
of ^ bred And wyne the sacramente 
for euyr to be youre testament^ 
the wyche is myne fesche & myne bloode 
To tho ]?at here levyne Yith mylde mode 
And tho ]?at deyne oute of charyte 

here wyl I iiij^ wordy s teche 
to the pupyl I bydde ^ou heme preche 
And ]7at ]>ej haue heme euire in mende 
here mende in heuene they schul fynde 
these wordys towchene pe Sacrament 
pat mend sundyrly resceyuene verament 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



93 But as trewe love bad me doo 
Myn owyn skyn to take ther-to 

95 And whan I had so I-doo 
Well fewe frendys had I thoo 
To gete me frendys I ^af gret mede 



99 

100 ffor thy soule that was for-lore 
Than my soule to yeve for the ^ 
That for the dyed vp-on the tree 
Vp-on a thursday a supper I made 



As do the the poure that hathe gret nede ^ 04 To f rende and foo to make hem glade 



* After of in this line there stands in the MS. what looks like a cancelled h. 

*In the MS. this line was omitted from its place and was written after line 108. 

' thyn deleted before the. 



THE LONG CHARTEE B-TEXT 



55 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 



Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 



93 But as trewe lone ladde ^ me ]?o 93 

Myn owene skyne y take ]>eY-io 
95 And when y hadde so y-do 95 

Well fewe frendes hadde y tho 
To gete me frendes y ^af gret mede 
As )?oth ]>Q pore J^at hath myche nede 
But to gyf J?e y hadde no more 

100 ffor J7y sowle ]>at was forlore 100 

Then my sowle y ^af for )?e 
ffor to dye vpon a tre 
Vpon a thursday a sowper y made 
To frend & fo to make hem glade 

105 Of breed & wyne ]>q sacrament 105 

ffor euer to be my testament 
Whych ys my flesh & my blode 
To ]>o J?at lyuen yn mykyll mode 
And to |?em ]^ai dyen out of charite 

110 Her dampnacyon for euer to be 110 

Her wyll y 30U fowr wordes teche 
[A]nd to ]>Q pepull loke ^e hem preche 
Hoc facite in meam. coiRmemoracioiiem 
[p]o Ipat haue hem euer yn mynde 
[H]ygh mede in heuen shuU 3e fynde 

115 These wordes towchen pe sacrament 115 

116 That men resseyuen verament 116 



But as trewe loue badd me doo 
Myn owne skynne y toke ther-too 
And whan y had so y-doo 
Well fewe frendys had y tho 
To gete me frendys y gafe grete mede 
As do]? pe pore man pat ha]? grete nede 
But for to yeue pe had y no more 
ffor thy soule that was for-lore 
Then my-selfe to yeue for the 
That for the dyed vpon a tree 
Vpon a thursday a soper y made 
To frende & foo to make pern, gladd 
Of bredd and ^vyne the sacrament 
ffor euyr to be my testament 
whych ys my flesche & my blode 
To them pat leuen in mylde mode 
And tho ]7at dyen owt of charyte 
Ther dampnacwu?i for euyr to bee 
Here wold y my wordes yow teche 
And to pe pepull y pray yow l?em preche 
FIoc facite in meam com.memoracioiiem 
And that they haue pern in mynde 
Ther mede in heuene peie schull pej 

fynde 
These wordes techeth the sacrament 
- That men resceyuene verament 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



105 Of bred and wyne the sacrament 
For ever to be in my testament 
wyche ys my fleshe and my blode 
To thoo ]?at levyn in mylde moode 
And to ]?oo J?at dyen out of charyte 
110 here damponaciou/i for evyr to be 
Foi. 90" Here wold I you f oure wordys teche 



^ The de in this word has a stroke over it. 
'In tlie MS, line 116 follows line 117. 



And to the peple I pray you hem preche^ 
Hoc facite in meam commemoracionem. 
^f£ ND that they have hem ever in 
\^S mynde 

^^^ here mede in hevyn there shull 
|?ey fynde 

115 These wordys tovchyth the sacrament 

116 That men receyuen verament 

^ teche deleted before preche. 



56 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 

117 Hit semyth meny and is but oone 117 

Hit semyth brede and it is none 
Hit is quykk and semyth dede 

120 Hit is my body in forme of brede 120 

Hit is y-made for man-kynde ^ 

122 My wondirfull dedis to haue in mynde 



125 125 

127 And ar y fram the borde a-rose 

2nd Col. 

To the iewes betrayed y wos 
Whan y hadd y-soped y ros a-none 

130 to grete maystris J^ey gan goone 130 

And browght me forth in the way 
As a lyon that goth a-bowte his pray 
And a-none they be-gan to pylle me 
And sayde y schiilde day vppon a tre 

135 My mantell and othir clothis mo 135 

All y hadd well sone for-goo ^o'- *5' 



139 All my clothis fro me they token 

140 And all my frendis me for-sokyn 140 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 

It semyth many & it is but one 

It semyth bred And itt is none 

It is qwyce and semyth dede 

It is myne body in forme of brede 

this made I for mane-kende 

My wondyrfull dedys to haue in mende 

Who-so it resceyuith in clennes 

Sauyd xal he be And come to blysse 

And to haue in mynde myne passyouri 

the qwych xal Ipiii saluaciouri 

or I frome that borde ros 

of myne dyscipule trayed I was 
.Whanne he hadde suppyd he ros A-none 
To gret maystrys he gane gone 
And broughte heme wyt hyw in J?e waye 
As a lyone goth A-bo^vte hys praye 
A-none the be-gunne to vnspoyle me 
And seyd I schulde dye vppone A tre 
My mantyl And other clothes moo 
All I hade heme sone for-goo 
they cast lot as wolde be-falle 
wheyther one schulde haue all or part 

Alle 
But Alle myne clothys frome me they 

tokene 
And Alle myne frendys me sone for- 

sokne 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



117 hit semyth many and ys but oon 
hit semythe bred and it ys noon 
hit ys queke and semys dede 

120 hit ys my bodi in forme of breede 
Thys made I oonly for man-kynde 
My wonderfulle dedys to haue in mynde 



123 AYho-so resseyvyth it in clennes 
Savid shall be and come to blys 

125 And to have in mynde my passiouri 
The wjche shall be thy sauacyouii 
Or I fro the boorde a-roos 
Of my dyssyple be-trayed I was 



^Opposite this line in the margin is written Memoriam fecit mirahilium. suoriim. 



THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 57 

CoTT. Calig. a II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 

117 Hyt semyth mony & ys but on 117 Hyt seme]? many hyt ys but oone 

Hyt semyth brede & hit js none Hyt seeme)? bredd and hyt ys noone 

Hyt ys qwylke & semeth deed Hyt ys quykk and semyth dedd 

120 Hyt ys my body in forme of breed 120 Hyt ys my body in forme of bredd 

Thys made y only for mankynde Thys made y oonly for mankynde 

[M]y wonpeTiull werkes to haue yn My wondurfull dedys to haue in mynde 

mynde 

Who so reseyue hit yn clennesse Who-so resceyueth hyt in kle/inesse ^ 

[SJaued shall be & come to blysse Sauydd schall be and come to blysse 

125 [A]nd to haue yn my/ide my passyonl25 And to haue in mynde my passyoun 

That shall be ]?y saluacyon The whych schall be thy sauactoun 

Ere y fro pe bord arose Or y fro the horde aroos 

Of my dyscypull betrayd y wose Of my dyscypull be-trayed y was 

When he had sowped he rose a-non When he had sowpyd he roos anone 

130 To grete maystres ryde he gone 130 To the grete maystyrs he can gone 

And brow3t hem with hyin yn ]?e way And bro^t ]?em with hym in J?e way 

As a lyon goth abowte his pray As a lyone ]?at gothe a-bowte hys pray 

Suscepit me sicut leo para^us ad predam. Susceperunt me sicMt leo patris ad 

predam 

Anon |?ey begon to spoyle me Anon j^ey be-ganne ^ to spoyle me 

And sayde y shulde dye vpo?^ a tre And seydd y schulde dye vpon a tre 

135 My mantell & o'pei clo]^us mo 135 My mantell & opur clof>ys moo 

All y hadde hem sone for-go All y hadd J?em sone forgoo 

They caste lotte as wolde befall They caste lotte as wolde be-falle 

Whe]?er on shuld hem or pa?'te hem all whelper oon schulde haue all or parte 

]>em all 

So all my clolpus fro me l?ey token But all my clo]?ys fro me )?ey tokene 

140 And all my tveiidus me for-soken 140 And all my frendys me forsokene 

Camb. Univ. Eg. 2. 15. 

Whan he had soped he roos a-noon 135 My mantell and other clothys moo 

130 To grete maysteys he gan goon Alle I hadde hem * sone for-goo 

And brought hem with hym in }?e way They cast lotte as wolde be-falle 

As a lyone that gothe a-boute hys pray Where oone shuld haue alle or parte 

Susceperunt me sicut leo paratus and ^ hem alle 

predam But alle my clothys fro me they tokyn 

^|/'-NOON they be-gonne to spoylel40 And alle my frendys sone me for-sokyn 
\2i me 

?^% And seyde I shuld dye vppo/i 
a tree 

^Thus the ms. 'The k is blurred. 

■ Ms. he ganne corrected from he game. * hem is inserted. 



58 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 



141 Xakyd y stoode a-monge my ^ foen 141 
Othir sokoure had y none 
Eedy they were to do me disese 
there was none that wolde me plese 

145 they made skorges scharpe and grete 145 
Where-with my body schulde they bete 
And thowgh y wolde hane playnyd me 
there schulde no socowre to me hane be 
Sore a-ferde forsoth y was 

150 Whan they ledde me in-to place 150 



151 To a piloure y was bownde ful sore 151 

152 On me they had no pite thore 152 

a they seyde be gladd and mery of chere 
b they buth thy frendis ]>at stondiJ?e here 
c We schall nenyr forsake the 
d till we se the naylid on tree 

155 this he stoode y-bownde all nyght 153 

156 till the morow hit was day lyght 

153 y waysche wit/i my owen blode 155 

154 And on the erth colde y stoode 

157 Sone aftyr y-straynyd vppon a tre 

158 As parchement ow3t to be 

159 Herknyth and ye schall wete 

160 How this chartow was y-wrete 160 



nakyd I stode A-monge myne foone 
for other soker had I none 
Redy j^ey werne me to dysese 
But neuyr one ]>ere me to please 
they madene pere skourges grete 
w^herwyth my body schulde be bete 
And thow I wolde haue pleynned me 
pere schulde none secure haue ^ bene 
ful sore a-ferde for-sothe I was 
quan they ledde me forth so gret A 

pace 
Towarde A peler they ledde me swythe 
And pere A-boundene And betyne I was 

be-lyue 



And waschyne wyth myw owene blood 
pat one ]>e erthe A-boute colde it stode 
And so ij stoode boundene al )?at nyghte 
Tyl one J?e morowe )?at it was daye 

lyghte 
Strayned wel herde vppone A tre 
As parchemente myghte to be 
heryth nowe And ^e schul wetyne 
howe thys charture was wretyne 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

141 Nakyd I stode a-monge my foon ^°^- ^^^Ther shulde to me no socoure have be 



For other socour had I noon 
Redy they were me for to dissese 
But noon ther was me for to please 
145 They mad scorges harde and grete 
Ther-wyth my body shulde be bete 
And though I wolde have pleyned me 



ffulle Sore a-ferde for-sothe I was^ 

150 Whanne they* led me forthe so gret 

a paas 

151 To a peler I was bovnde alle the nyght 

152 Tugged and betyn tyll it was day lyght 



my is inserted. '^ After socure, A has been cancelled, and after haue h has been cancelled. 

The cartur is written in the margin. * had was written after they and then deleted. 



i 



THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 



59 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 



Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 



141 Naked y stod among my fone 
flor opeT sokour hadde y none 
Eedy ]>ej wer me for to dysese 
But none ]>e was me to plese 

145 They made sko^rges hwge & grete 
Theiwith my body for to bete 
And )?ow3 y wolde hane playned me 
Ther shulde to me no sokowr haue be 
ffull sore aferd for-soJ?e y was 

150 When )?ey ledde me so gret a pase 
To a pyler y was bownd all ny3t 

152 Tugged & beten tyll hit was day ly^t 



153 And wasshen with my owene blode 
That on )?e yrj?e abowte me flode 

155 And so y snffred all J?e ny^t 
Tyll on morn hi't was day-ly^t 

Streyned well harde to a tre 
As parchemyn oweth for to be 
Herkeneth now & ^e shall wyten 
160 How )?e charti/r was wry ten 



141 Nakyd y stode amonge my foone 
ffor odur socour had y noone 
Eedy )?ey were me for to dysese 
But none pev was me for to plese 

145 They made scorges harde & grete 
Thei-with my body schulde be bete 
And thoght y wolde haue pleyned me 
Ther schulde no socour to me haue bee 
ifull sore aferde for-sothe y was 

150 When )?ey ladd me for]?e so grete a pase 
To a peler y was bownden all ]>e nyght 

152 Scorged & betyd tyl hyt was day-lyght 



153 And waschen with myn owne blood 
That on er)?e abowte flode stode 

155 And so y stode bounden all ]>e nyght 
Tyll ffti )?e ^ morne )?at hyt was lyght 



Fol. 41 a 



Streyned well harde vpone a tree 
As perchement owyth for to be 
Heryth and ye schall weten 
160 How thys chartur was y-wretone 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



153 And waschen wyth myn owyn bloode 
That on the erthe a-boute me stode 



155 And so I stood bounde all the nyght 
Tyll on the morowe J^at it was lyght 
Streyned well faste vp-on a tree 
As parchemyn owyth for to be 
heryth nowe & ^e shall wetyn 

160 howe thys chartyr was I-wretyn 



Or J?is? 



GO 



THE MIDDLE Ej^GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 



Fol. 45b 

165 



161 Of my face fill downe the ynke 161 

Whan thornys on my hed gan synke 
the pennys that the lettris were with 

wrytene 
were skorges that y v/as wit7i betyne 

165 How many lettris there-in bene ^ 
Eede and thow myste wyte and seene 
With .V. Ml. CCCC. fyfty and ten 
Wowndis in my body blak and whane 

Fol. 236 ffor to schew the of my lone-dede 

170 my-sylue y Woll the chartor rede 170 



ye that goth forth by the wey ^ 
take hede and loke with yowre ey 
Redith vppon this parchemyne 
Of eny sorow were grettir )7an myne 
He that hireth this chartor y-redde 
How y am wowndid and all for-bled 



175 



Reportith ye that beth hider y-come 
178 that y am ihesi^s nazareth god-is son 



180 
181 



184 



that was y-bore in betheleem 
Of mary y-offrid in ierusalem. 
The kynge is son of heuen abone 
A merciful fadir and full of loue 



175 



180 



184 



Vppone myne hede A crowne pey sett 
thornes thorowe m.yn brayne J?ei mette 
The pennes pat pe lettered wretyne 

\Werene scourges pat I was wyt smetene 

how many lettyrs there-one bene 

Eede and j^oue maye wete & scene 

Ve miia V. C.l And xe 

Wondes one layn body both rede & wane 

for to schewe J?e of lone-dede 

My-selfe I wol the chartnre rede 

vos omnes qui transitis per viam 

3e mene pat gone forth in pQ weye 

takyth hede and lokyth with your eye 

And redyth ^ppone this pa/'chemerit 

3if any sorowe be so gret as myne 

3et stondyth and heryth pQ charture rede 

why I Am wondyd & all for-blede 

Sciant prese^ites & futuri 

wote ^e )?at be here and be fore to come 

pat Ihesu of nazareth goddes sone 

vndrestond ^e wyl ]?at wolly?i Abyde 

pat Ihe^u hath now A blody syde 

pat bore was in bedleme 

of marye offered in lerusaleme 

pe kynges sone of heuene a-boue 

A mercyfuU fadyr fat wel I loue 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



161 Ouer alle my face fell the ynke 

Thornys in myn hed be-gonne to synke 170 
The pennys ]?at the letterys wretyn 
Were scorges )?at I was wytht smetyn 

165 ho we many letterys pat ther-on ben 
Rede and thou may wete an seen 
V ml V c fyfty and ten thanne 
Woundys on my body bothe rede 172 
and wanne. 



ffor to shewe the of my love in deede 
My-selfe I wolde here the chart-wr rede 
vos omnis qui transitis per viam. 
attendite et videte si est dolor similis 
sicut dolor mens 
ye men )7at goon foorthe here by the 

weye 
Be-holde and see bothe nyght and daye 



* Mota 6e»ie is written in the margin opposite this line. 

* In the margin is written o vos omnes qui tTd.nsitis per viam. 



THE LONG CHAKTEE B-TEXT 



61 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 



Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 



161 Oner all my face fyll ]>e ynke 161 

With IpoTiLUs Ipat in my hedde gonne 

synke 
The -pemius pat ]?ose letterws wryten 
Wer skourges pat y was with smyten 

165 How many letterus pat per-on bene 165 
Rede & pou may wyte & sene 
ffyue )?owsande fyue hundered pen 
Wonpus of my body rede & wawne 
ffor to shew pe of my lone-dede 

170 My-self wyll here pe chartnr rede 170 
vos omnes qui tvsLnsitis per viam. 
attendite uidete si est dolor sitis sicut 
dolor mens 

171 36 men pat gon her by pe way 171 
Beholde & se both nyjt & day 

And redeth vpon pis parchmyn 
3yf any sorow be so gret as myn 
175 Ston]?eth & herkeneth pis chartur reddel75 
Why y am wounded & all forbledde 

Wyten )?o pat hen her & ]?o pat ben to 
come 



That y ihesu of na^areth goMus sone 
Vn)?erstondeth well ^e pat woll abyde 

180 That y ihesu hane a blody syde 180 

That borne was yn bedleem 181 

Ouer-more oflred yn-to ihemsalem 182 
The kjngus sone of henen aboue 

184 A me?-cyfnll fader pat y so well lone 184 



Ouer all the face felle the ynke 
Thornys in myn hedd begynne to synke 

The pennys J?at ]?o letturs - wretyne 
Were seorges J?at y was with smetyne 
How many lettnrs that ]?er-on bee 
Eede & )?on may ^vytt and see 
ffyve thonsande .v.c fyfty & .x. than 
woundes on my body rede & wane 
ffor to schewe pe for my lone-dede 
My- self e wolde here the chartyr rede 
vos omnes qui transitis pev viam 
attendite- & videte si est dolor sitis sicut 
dolor mens 

pe men j^at gone here be pe wa,y 
Be-holde]? & see bo]?e nyght & day 
And redy]? vpon thys pa?-chemyne 
If eny sorowe be os grete as myne 
Stondyth & herkeny)? pjs chartur redd 
Why y am wonndedd & all for-bledd 
Sciant presentes et futuri 



W 



ETEN ]7o pat ben here & )?o pat 
be to come 

That y ihesn of na3are)? godd- 
is sone 



vndurstondy]? well ye pat wyll abyde 
That y ihesu hath a blody syde 
Oner more of-redd in-to lerwsalem 
That borne was in bedleme 
The kyngys sone of heuen abone 
A mercyfull fadnr pat well y lone 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



\ 



173 And redythe vp-on )?is ^ parchemyn Yndir-stondyth well ye pat wyll a-byde 

yef ony sorowe be so gret as myn 180 That Ihesn hathe a blody S3^de 

175 Stondyth an herkenyth thys chartur That born was in bedlem 

rede Oder more offryd in-to lerusalem 

^ Why I am woundid and all for-blede The kyngys sone of hevyn above ^ 

* Siunt presentes et feturi 184 A mercifull fadyr that well I love 



W 



Iten alle thoo that ben here 

& p^ tho pat ben to com 
That I Ihesu of Nasarethe 
godys son 



* my has been deleted and \)is inserted. 
•There is a tail after the s in this word. 



• above corrected from abovyn. 



62 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



190 
Fol. 468 



Cams. Univ. li. 3. 26. 

185 Made a sesynge whan y was bore 185 

to mankynde that was forlore 
With my chartoure in playnte 
Made to man a feffament 
y haue him grauntid and y-yeue 

190 In my kyngdome with me to leue 
Euyr to be in heuen blisse 
To haue and to holde withoutjji mysse 
vppoTi this condicion to be kynde 
And hane my wondirfnll dedis in mynde 

195 ffrely to holde and frely to yelde 195 

With all the pnrtenanse ]>at y may welde 

197 In my blisse for to dwell 
ffor a rent that y schall tell 
My herytage ]?at is so fre 

200 With-outjn homage othir fute 200 

'None othir rentis ax y of the 
But a touve lenyd grase ]>ou yelde to me 
the firste leue ys sorow of hert ^ 
the secunde leue ys verray schryft 

205 the thrid y nell no more do so 205 

the firthe is penance y-yeued ferto 
Whan this leue to gadere ys ysett 

208 A trew loue men clepith hit 208 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 

I made a sessynge whane I was bore 

to mankende )?at was for-lore 

But wyth my charture here-in presents 

I make to mannes Soule a feffemente 

pat I haue grauntyd And I-3eue 

to mankend wyth me for to be 

In my kyndome of heuene blysse 

to haue and to holde wyth-owte mys 

So in )?is condycioun J?at pou be kende 

And myne wondyrful dedys to haue in 

mende 
frely to haue and frely to holde 
wyth all pe portenaunce witTt ]>e wolde 
In my blysful loye euyr to dwelle 
for ]?e rent )?at I xal ]>e telle 
Myn herytage J?at is so fre 
for homage or for fewte 
no more wyl I aske of the 
But A iiije leued gras rent to me 
pe fyrst lefe is wery schryfte 
pat other for pi synne thyn hert smerie 
the iij^ie Ig I ^yyl do no more so 
pe iiijte is the penaunee ]>ere-to 
And haue thys leuys to-gedyr be set 
A trew loue me clepyth it 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



185 I mad a sesonyng whan I was borne 
To save mankynde that was for-lorne 

Fol. 91*> 

But wyth my charter here present 
I make to manys soule a fefment 
That I have graunted an yeve 
190 To mankynde wyth me for to leve 
In my kyngdom of hevyn blys 



To have and to holde with-out mys 

So in thys condyctoun J?at J?ou be kynde 

And my wondyrfull werkys to have in 
mynde 

195 Frely to have and frely to holde 

196 Wyth alle the portenavnce for to be 

bolde 



In the margin opposite this line is written wota bene. 



THE LONG CHAETEE B-TEXT 



63 



190 

2nd 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 

185 I made a sesyng when y was borne 185 
To saue mankynde ]>at was forlorne 
Bnt with my cha[r]tur her-yn present 
I make to msLnnus sowle a feffement 
That y haue granted & jeue 

190 To mankynde with me to lyue 

In my kyngdon of henen blysse 
To hane & to holde withowten mysse 
With ]>is condycyon so ]>at ]>ou be kynde 
And haue )?ts chartor euer yn mynde 

195 ffrely to hane & frely to holde 195 

With alle J?e pertynanse to be bolde 
In my blesfull joye euer to dwelle 
Tor pe rente Ipat y shall |?e telle 
Myn herytage pat ys so fre 

200 ffor omage or ellys for fewte 200 

No more woll y aske of pe 
But a fowr leued grasse ^elde to me ^ 
That on lef ys verry shryfte with hert 
That 2 opev ys for synne sorowe smerte 

205 The ]?ryrde ys y wyll no more do so 205 
The fowrj?e ys do ]?y penanse ]?er-to 

And when J^ese leuus togeder be sette 
208 A trewe loue men klepe hyt 208 



Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 

I made a sesynge whan y was borne 
To saue mankynde pat was forlorne 
But with my chartur here-in presente 
I make to mannys soule a feffement 
That y make haue graunted & ^eue 
To mankynde with me for to leue 

Col. 

In my kyngdome of heuene blysse 
To haue and to holde wit/i-owt mysse 
So in thys condjcioun pat pou be kynde 
And my wonde?'full workt's to haue in 

mynde 
ffrely to haue and frely to holde 
Wyth all pe purtenaunce for to be bolde 
And in my blysfull yoye euer to dwell 
ffor the rente ]?at y schall ]7e telle 
Myn herytage that ys so free 
ffor homage or ellys for fealte 
Xomore wyll y aske of the 
But a foure leued grasse ^elde pou me 
That oon lefe ys very schryfte of hert 
That o]?er ys for pj synne here smert 
The thrydd y wyll no more do soo 
The iouvpe do pj penaunee mekely 

perto 
And )?en pese leues to geder byn sett 
A trewe loue men callyth hyt 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

197 And in my blysfull loy euer to dwelle 
ffor the rent that I shalle the telle 
Myn eritage that ys soo free 205 

200 ffor omage of ellys for fewte 
Nomore woll I aske of the 
But a foure leved gras ^elde J^ou me 
That 00 lefe ys verray shryfte 208 



That other lef ys for ^ )?i synnys here 

smert 
The thyrde ys I wolle no more do soo 
The fourte ys do thy penavnce mekely 

]7er-too 
And whan these levis to-gedir be sett 
A trewe loue men clepe hitt 



^ Nota in margin. 



Ms. Tath. 



^ Ms. J7e deleted before for. 



64 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 

209 Of this rent be noght be-hynde 209 

210 Yf thow wilt to heuen wynde 210 
And yf ]?is rent Ipou trewly pay me 

212 My grete mercy y yeue to the 212 



215 215 

217 the^ seele )?at )?is chartoi/r was selid 
with 
Was y-made at the smyth 

2nd Col. 

Of golde and syluyr hit is now3t 
220 But of stele and yren it is wrow^t poi. 46" 
With a spere my hert they stonge 

prow my lyuyr and my longe 

Vppon my syde they made a wownde 
that my hart blod ran to grownde 

225 With thre naylis they J^ourlid me 225 

throw foote and bond in-to the tre 
This selynge was dyre y-bowght 
At my hert rote hit was y-wrow^t 
Y-temperid with fyne vermelon 

230 On my rede blod it ran downe 230 

ffyue sells were sett there on 

232 ffadir son god and man 232 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 

of thys rent be )?ou noughte be-hynde 
pe waye to heuene J^ane may I fende 
And if J?ou thys rente trewly paye me 
My gret mercy I schewe the 
for if )7ou falle And gretly mistake 
3et myn charture wyl I not for-sake 
3if ]>ou A-mende and mercy crawe 
thyne herytage sothly ]>oue xalt haue 
pe sealys J^at it is a-selyd wyth 

they werene I-made at a smyth 

of gold ne sylnere be they noughte 
of stele And Irone they bene wroughte 
for wyth a spere of stele myne hert ]?ei 

stonge 
thorow my sydys and thorow myne 

lounge 
vppone my syde they made a wounde 
pat mjn hert blood rane downe one 

grownde 
And with ]>e nayles they bored me 
thorow feet & hondys in-to )?e tre 
the selyng wexe was dere a-boughtc 
at m.jn hert rote it was soughte 
al tempered wyth fyne ve?Tiieloun 
of mjn reed blood l?at ranne A-downe 
Y« seles bene sett vp-one 
fadyr and sone god & mane 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

209 Of thys rent be not be-hynde 215 Yef }?ou a-mende and mercy crave 

210 The wey to hevyn than myght )?ou fynde Thyn herytage sothely shalt thou have 
And yif thys rent Ipou truly pay me The seelys that it ys a selyd wythe 
My gret mercy shall I shewe the They were made of a smyth 

ifor yf thou falle & gretly mys-take Of golde ne syluer be they nought 

yet my charter wylle ]>at I pe not forsake220 Of Stele and yryn they ^ wern wrought 



* This was written first, and then cancelled. 



^ Ms. h,e deleted before they. 



THE LOI^^G CHAETER B-TEXT 



65 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 

209 Of ]>is rente be not behynde 

210 The way to heuen J?en may pou fynde 
And 3yf J? on trewely pis rente pay me 
My grete mercy pen shall y shewe J?e 
ffor 3yf pou falle & grettely mystake 
3yt my charter wyll not pat y pe forsake 

215 3yf povL amende & mercy crane 

Thyn erytage soJ?ly J?en shalt pou haue 

The sele pat hit ys a-seled wyth 
Hyt was made at no smy^th 
Of golde ne sylner ys hit now^th 
220 Ne stele ny yren ys hit of wro^th 

But with a spere my hert was stongen 

Thorow my syde & thorow my longen 
Vpon my syde pat made a wonde 
pat my hert blode ran down to pe 
grownde 
225 And with yren nsLjlus pej boredden me 
Thorw fote & honde yn-to pe trg 
The sesynge wax was dere y-bowjt 

Alle myn herte rote hit was y-sow3t 

All y-compered with fyn vermelon 
230 Of my rede blode pat ran adown 

Factum est cor meum. tanquam liques- 

sens in medio uentris mei 

ffyue seles be sette }>ervpon 
232 ffadyr & sone god & mon 



Camb. Univ. Ff. '^. 38. 

209 Of thys rente be not be-hynde 

210 The wey to henene pene mytt pou fynde 
And yf ]7ou )?ys rente trewly pay me 
My grete mercy wole y schewe pe 
ffor yf )?on falle & gretly mystake 

If my chartour wole pat y pe not 
forsake 
215 If J?ou amende and mercy crane 

Thyn herytage soj?ely pen schalt pou 

haue 
The selys J?at hyt ys selyd with 
They were made at a smyth 
Of golde ne syluyr be pej noght 
220 Of stele and yren they were wroght 

ffor wit^h a spere of stele my hert was 

stongen 
Thorow my syde & thorow my longen^ 
Ypon my syde pej made a wounde 
That my herte blode ran to grounde 

225 And with yren nayles they bored me 
Thorow fete & hondes in-to p^ tre 
The sesynge was dere y-boght 

Fol. 41" 

At my herte rote hyt was y-soght 
All tempurd with fyne vermylou?i 

230 Of my redd blood ]?at rane a-downe 

factum est cor meiini tanqiiam cera 
liquescens in medio ventris mei 
ffyue celys put ther-one 

232 ffadur and sone god & man 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

221 ffor with a spere of stele myn hert was And selyng wex was dere I-bought 
stongen At myn hert rote it was sought 

Fol. 92* 

Thorowe my syde and ]?orugli my longen Alle I-temperyd wythe fyn vermylone ^ 
Op-on my syde they made a wovnde 230 Of my red blode that ran a-dovne 
That myn herte blood ran to pe grovnde factum est cor meum tanquam cera li- 
225 And wyth yryn naylys they boredyn me quessens in medio ventrys mei 
Thorowe feet and handys in-to the tre Cyve selys been set ther-vp-on 

r ffadyr and sonne god and man 



The Chartur is written in the margin. 



66 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 

233 the fythe that y louyd meste 233 

that y come of holy goste 

235 And there-fore ]?ou myste well yse 23 § 
that y am a man of grete poteste 
Of playne power pat y myght make 
A crowne of thornys they did me take 
And that be-toknyth that y am kynge 

240 And frely mey yeue my owne thynge 240 
And that reportid the iewis all 
On kneys by-fore me did they fall 

lorde they seyde in her skOrnynge 
Hayle be thow lord iewis kynge 
245 By-twyxte to thenys ]>e chartoi^r was 245 
selid 
both were seke that othir was helid foi. 47« 



248 



250 



248 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 

pe fyrst J^at is to be-leue most 

pat I cam)g of )?e holy gost 

And perre-toT here may J^ou see 

pat I ame kynge of gret poste 

In playne poner thy state to make 

A crowne of thornes one lajn hede here 

I take 
thys crowne be-tokenyth pat I am kynge 
And frely may ^ene myne owene thynge 
Wyttenessyth the iewes Alle 
one knees they gunne be-fore me downe 

f alle 
And lowde Seyd in hyr skornynge 
All heyll be ]?oii iewes kynge 
Be-twene ij lewys }>is chavtour was 

Selyd 
Both were syk the one was helyd 
Be-twene to iewes was I putt 
Ihesus hygh & kynge of ryghte 
Explicit feoffomente Ihesus 



251 Derewardly me thirsty d sore 

253 Eysell and gall ]?ey toke me thore 

252 this was the drynke they toke to me 

254 Such drynke ax y none of the 
But that thow louy well thi fone 

256 Othir drynke ax y none . 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



233 The fyfte fat ys beleve mvst 

That I come of the holy goost 
235 And ther-fore here may )?ou now see 
That I am a kynge of grete postee 
In pleyne power thy state to make 



Thys crowne be-tokenyth ]?at I am 
kynge 
240 And frely may yeve the ]?in OAvyn thynge 
Thys witnessyth the lewys alle 
On knese the gonne be-fore me falle 
And lowde seyde in here skornyng 



A crowne of thornys on myn hed I take 244 Alle hayle be thou lorde of lewys kyng 



I 



THE LONG CHABTEE B-TEXT 



67 



233 



235 



CoTT. Calig. a II. 

233 The fyfte ys ]>at pou beleue most 
That y kam of J?e holy goste 

235 And J?erfor her may ]>ou now se 
That y am a kyng of gret powste 
In playn power ]>j state to make 
A crowne of pOTnus on my hedde y take 
Thys cro^vne betokenej? ]>at y am kyng 

240 And frely may ^ef myn owene )?yng 240 
Thys wytnessed Ipe jewys alle 
On knens J^ey gan before me falle 
And lowde sayde yn her skornyng 
All hayle lorde & of jewes Ipe kyng 

245 Betwene two ]?euus pis charter was seled 245 
Bo]?e wer seke pat on was heled 
Betwene two theuus hy^e y-pyght 
In token pat y was lord of my^th 
This be tokeneth both good & yll 

250 At J?e day of dome how y may saue or 250 
spyll 
Well drye y was & thursted sore 
But of such drynk my^th y no more 
ffor aysell & galle ]?ey ^ef to me 
But on drynke aske y of pe 

255 That pou be louyng towards pj tone 255 

256 0|?er drynke of pe aske y non 256 



Camb. Fniv. Ff. 2. 38. 

The fyrste ]?at be-leue muste 
That y come of the holy goste 
And therfore here may pou now see 
That y am kyng of prete ^ pouste 
In playne power pej sate ^ to make 
A crowne of J?ornys on my hedd y take 
Thys be-tokenyth J?at y was kyng 
And frely may yeue pjn owne thyng 
Thys \\7tnessyth pe yewes all 
On knees pej can be-fore me falle 
And lowde seyde in ther scornyng 
All heyle be |?ou of yewes kynge 
Betwene ij theues pe charts?' was selyd 
Bothe were syke that oon was helydd 
Betwne ij theues on bye y-pyght 
In tokyn |?at y was kyng of myght 
Thys be-tokenyth bothe goode & ylle 
At pe day of dome to saue or spylle 

Well drye y was y* thursted sore 
But of soche drynke my^t y no more 
ffor eysell and galle they yaf to me 
But oon drynke y aske of thee 
That pou be louyng toward pj foone 
Other drynke of the aske y noone 



Camb. Uis^iv. Ee. 2. 15. 



245 Be-twene two thevys j^is chartur ys selyd 
Bothe were syke that oon was helyd 
Be-twen two thevys on hy^e I-pyght 
I tokyn that I was lorde of myght 
Thys be-tokenyth bothe good and ille 

250 At the day of dome to save or ^ spille 



Well dry I was I thrusted sore 
But of suche drynke myght I no more 
For eysylle and galle they yaffe to me 
But 00 drynke aske I of thee 
253 That )?ou be lovyng toward thy foon 
256 Other drynke of the aske I noon 



*Ms. and deleted and or inserted. 
''Thus the MS. Grete? 



'Thus the MS. Doubtless an error for state. 
*y is inserted above the line. 



68 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEKS Ol CHRIST 



Camb. Uxiv. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 

357 Yf thou lone me haue this in mynde 

And to thy enemy loke ]>oii be kynde 

Ensample ]>ou my^t se by me 
260 ffor loue of my foes y honge on tre 

Be mercyfull y bydd the 

And on thyne enemyes haiie pite 

And as y. do by thyne do ]>ou by myne 

264 y-sauyd yf ]?ou wolt be fro hell pyne 
a Yf ]>ou do as y the telle 

b Y warant the fro the paynys of hell ^ 

Fol. 2.36>> 

265 And that witnysseth mo than one 
Mark luke mathu and lohne 
And namely my moder swete 

that for me the blody teris did lete 

There sche stode vndir the rode 
270 he sey my body all in blode 

ffram the foote vp to the hedd 

there was noght ellis but blod reede 
273 No word to me myght sche speke 
274 Hit semyd hir hert to breke 



277 ffor sorow of hir y made a crye 

278 And seyde Eloy lamazabatany ^ 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

257 Yf thon me loue have thys in mynde And as I doo do thou thyne 

To thjTQ enemyis be thou ryght kynde 264 Savid shall ]?ou Ipanne be from helle- 

pyne 
Ensample J?ou myght take here of me 

260 ffor love of my foon I honge on tree ..... . . 

To my fader I pray the here bee?i witnesse more thanrie oon 

Vp-on myn enemyes thou have pete 266 Marcke Mathewe luke and lohn 

^ These lines occur in this MS. only. 

^ See p. xxxiv for mark of ownership at the end of this folio. 



THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 



69 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 

257 3ef pou me lone haue )?ts yn mynde 257 
To ]?y enemyes be J?ou ryght kynde 
Ensaz^mpull J? on my^t take her of me 

260 For lone of my fone y honge on tre 260 
Bnt my fadyr y pray the 
Ypon my enemyes pat J?on hane pyte 
And as y do. do pou to ]?yne 
Then saned shalt pou be fro helle pyne 264 



Camb. Fniv. Ff. 2. 38. 

If Ipou me lone hane ]?ys in mynde 
To thyn enemyes be }?ou kynde 
Ensaumpnll pou mj^t take here of me 
ffor lone of my foon y honge on a tre 
But mercy fadnr y prey the 
Vpon myn enemyes hane pou petee 
And as y do do thou to thyne 
Sanyd schalt pou be fro helle pyne 



265 He ben wytnesses mo J^en on 
Marke mathew hike & jon 
And namely my modyr swete 
That for me blody teres gan lete 
ffor ]7er she stode xiipeT pe rode 

270 She sawe my body all on blode 
That fro my foot vnto my hedde 
I was not ellys bnt blode reed 
No worde to me mvjth she speke 
Hit semed well her hert wolde breke 

275 No won)?er htt was I^ow^ she wer woo 
When she sawe me on pe crosse so y-do 
ffor sorow of her y made a cry 

278 And sayde well lowde hely lamajahatany 



2nd Col. 

265 Here byn wytnesse mo than oone 
Marke mathewe Inke and lohne 
And namely my moder swete 
That for my body teres can lete 
ffor there sche stode vndur pe rode 

270 Sche sawe my body all on bloodd 
That fro my fote vnto my hedd 
I was noght ellys bnt all blode redd 
Hyt semeth well hnr herte wold breke 
No worde to me pere my^t sche speke ^ 

275 No wondwr hyt was ]70we sche were wo 
When sche sawe me on crosse y-doo 
ffor sorowe of hnr y made a crye 

278 And seyde well lowde hely lama^hatani 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



Fol. 92^ 

267 And namely my^ modir swete 
That for me blody terys gan lete 
ffor there she stode vndir the rode 

270 She sawe my bodi alle on bloode 
That froo my foot vn-to myn hed 



It semed wele here herte wolde breke 
No worde to me per myght she speke ^ 
275 No wonder it was ]?owe she were woo 
Whan she me sawe on the crosse I-doo 
ffor sorowe of hyr I made a cry 



I was not ellys but alle blode reed 278 And seyde full lowde Eli lama'^dbaihani 



*Ms. na deleted before my. 

' Lines 273 and 274 are here inverted from the order of their occurrence in the other mss. 



70 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETEES OF CHEIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 



279 Anon sche fill downe in sownynge 

280 By-fore me at my daynge 

the paynys that y hadd were ful sore 
ffor my modir they were the more 



285 



the peynes that he sufferd were smert 
the swyrde of sorow peryschid my hert 
And when seynt Johone y hir by-toke 

290 Sche caste on me a sory loke 
As thow^e y had hir forsake 
And anothir sone had hir y-take 
3it ar the chartoi/r selyd was 
ffor-soth sche sayde alas alas 

295 Vppon my schuldir y leyde my hed 
When y drowen to be dede 
Y was so bare of worldly goode 
What y schulde day vppon the roode 
I nadde whare-wtt/i for to take 

300 Eeste my hedd for to make 

Poure man haue this in mynde 

302 Whan ]>ou in worlde no rest myst fynde 



a 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

-Xone she fell dovne in swownyng 285 fful fayne she wolde have holpjrn me 
280 There to-fore me at my dyeng But for the le^^s it myght not be 

The peynys ]>at I suffred were full sore The peynys ]>at I had were full smerte 
But for my modyr J^ey were the more The swerde of sorowe perished hyr herte 
WTian I leyde myn hed here & there Wha/ine seynt lohn I here be-toke 

My modyr chavnged alle hyr chere 290 She cast on me a drery loke 



( 

I 



THE LONG CHARTEE B-TEXT 



71 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 

279 Anon she fell down yn swonyng 279 

280 Ther be-for me at my dyyng 280 
The paynw5 pat y snflred wer full sore 

But for my moder pe wer well more 
When y layde my hedde her & J?er 
My moj^er changed all he[r] chere 

385 ffull fayn she wolde haue holpen me 285 
But for pe jewys hit my^t not be 
The ipajnus pat y hadde wer full smert 
The swerde of sorow persedde her hert 
When seyn John y her betoke 

290 She caste on me a drwly loke 290 

As )?ow3 y hadde her all forsake 
And to SLU-oper sone her be-take 
And or pis charter wryten pus was 
ifull ofte she sayde Alas Alas 

295 Vpon my shuldur y layde myn hedde 295 
When y )?row3 faste vnto my deed 
ffor so bare y was of worldly gode 
When y shulde dye vpon pe rode 
That y ne hadde wher-of to take 

§00 Eeste to myne hedde wher-of to make 300 
Pouer & ryche haue pis yn mynde 

302 When pou yn pis worlde no reste kan302 
fynde 



Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 

Anon sche f elle downe in swownyng 
There be-fore me at my dying 
The peynes )?at y suffurde were full sore 
But for my modur pej were pe more 
When y leyde myn hedd here & f'ere 
my modur chaunged all hur chere 
ffull f ayne sche wolde haue holpen me 
But for pe yewes hyt myght not be 
Peynes ]?at sche suffurde were full smert 
The swerde of sorowe perysched hur hert 
When to seynt lohn y hur be-toke 
Sche caste on me a drery loke 
As thowe y had hur all for-sake 
And anothur sone y had be-take 
But or j?ys chartur J?us wreten was 
Well ofte sche seyde alias alias 
Ypon my schouldur y leyde my hedd 
Whan y drowe faste vn-to my dedd 
ffor so bare y was of worldly goode 
When y schulde dye vpon the rode 
That y ne hadd where-of to take 
Eeste to myn hedd for to make 
Pore and ryche for to haue in mynde 
Whan pou in pe worlde no reste may 
fynde 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



291 As thowe I had ^ here alle for-sake 

And another sonne I had here be-take 
And or thys chartur thus wretyn was 
Wele ofte she sayde alas alas 

295 Vp-on m^ shulder I leyde myn hede 
Whan I drowe faste vn-to my dede 



ffor soo bare was I of worldly ^ good 
Wha?ine I shulde dye vp-on the rood 
That I ne hadde wher-of to take 

300 Rest to myn hede for to make 

Power and ryche have evir in Mynde 

302 Whan ]?ou in the worlde no reste may 
fynde 



^ The scribe repeated the words / had and then deleted them. 
^ Corrected from worldlys. 



72 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 

303 Whate rest y had for loue of the 

Whan y was naylid on the tree 
305 Well thow mayste wyte y had none 

ffor y was a-mouge my foene 

When thow art a-monge thy foen browth^ 

Be redy to suffre with all py thowght 

To stonde at the barre hit is ful hard 

310 As Ipou art worthi to take ]?y reward 

311 Yf thow for me suffre wronge 
pou schalt stonde in my ry3t honde 
Yf povL vengiste Ipe on thi brothir 
povL schalt stonde in that othir 

2nd Col. 

315 Yf thow wolt the soth schewe 

As thow lonyste thow schalt owe 

thow3e y be nenyr so full of woo 

3yt of this worlde y moste goo 

In paynes of deth y am now bownde 
320 My sowle wnll passe withyn this stownde 

By-holde man with hert and eye 

ffor thy loue how y schall deye ^ 

I honge on crosse for loue of the 

fforsake thy synnes for loue of me 

325 Mercy asketh a-mendis sone 

326 And for-^eue y woll all ]>at is mysdone 

Game. JJmv, Ee. 2. 15. 
303 What rest I had oonly for the To stonde at barre it ys wele harde 

Wha^ine I hynge nayled vp-on the tree 310 As ben worthy to take rewarde 

Fol. 93" 

305 Wele may thowe knowe that I hadde Thou shalt for me suffre wronge 

noon ^ Thou shalt ben sothely on my ryght 

For there I was a-monge my foon honde 

And wha^ne thou a-monge thy foon art And ]?ou J^at wengyst the vppon J?i 

brou3t brothyr 

Be redy to suffre wyth alle thi thou3t 314 There stodyst thou not but on that other 

^ Exm {Exempliim) is written in the margin. 

'^ Expirauit is written in the margin. 

^ The Chartur is here written in the margin. 



THE LONG CHABTEE B-TEXT 



73 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 

303 What reste y hadde only for J?e 303 What reste y had oonly for the 

When y henge nayled vpon a tre ^°^- *^" When y hynge naylyd vpon a tree 

305 Well may pou knowe pat y hadde none 305 Well may ]?oii know ]?at y had none 

ffor ther y was among my fone ffor there y was amonge my foone 

And when J?ou among pj fone art brow^t And when pou among ]>y f oon art broght 

Be redy to siiffre with all J?y ]?ow3t Be redy to suffnr wyth all yowre poght 

To sto?ide at pe barre hit ys well harde To stonde at the barre hyt ys full harde 

310 As 3e bene wor]7y to take rewarde 310 As ye be worthy to take rewarde 

Thou pat for me sufferest wronge Thou pat for me suffurste wronge 

pou shalt stonde on my ri^t honde Thou schalt be so]?ely on my ry^t honde 

And pou pat vengest pe on J^y brodyr And ]?ou that vengest the vpone )?y 

brodi^r 

Ther stondest pou not but on pat odyr There stondest pou not but on ]?at othur 

315 0f J?u wyll pe so]?e knowe 315 If thou wylt the so the knowe 

Ey^th as ]7ou sowest so sha[l]t )?u mowe Soche as pou sowest soche schalt pou 

mowe 

I f ele me now so full of wo I f ele me now so full of woo 

That out of pis worlde y moste go That owt of pe worlde y muste go 

With ipejuus of l?eth harde am y bownde With peynes of dethe harde am y bounde 

320 My sowle shall passe her yn a stounde 320 My soule schall passe here in j^ys stounde 

Beholde now mon with herte & ye Be-holde now man wyth herte & eye 

ffor pj loue how y shall dye ffor thy loue how y schall dye 

I honge on crosse for loue of pe I honge on crosse for loue of the 

ffor-sake pe synne for loue of me ffor-sake thy synne for loue of me 

325 Mercy pou aske & amende pe sone 325 Mercy aske and amende pe sone 

326 And y woll for^yf pat pou hast mysdone326 And y ^ for-yeue pe that ys mysdoone 

Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

315 Yef thou wolt the so the to knowe 321 Be-holde no we man wyth herte and y3e 

Eyght as ]7ou sowyst suche shalt pou For thy loue howe I shalle dye 

mowe 

I fele me nowe so fulle of woo I honge on crosse for loue of the 

That out of thys worlde I mvst goo ffor-sake thy synne for loue of me 

Wyth peynys of deth hard am I bovnde 325 Mercy aske and amende the soone 

320 My soule shall passe here in thys stovnde And I for-yeve pe that ys mysdoone 

^y is inserted above the line. 



74 



TH^ MIDDLB EITGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 

327 fful mercy full y am trewly 

to hem that woll my mercy cry 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 



330 



he that woll no mercy crane 
Of me no mercy schall he haue 



335 



340 



To hell y went ]?is chartowr to schew 
By-fore sathanas 'pat grete schrew 



345 there y covennant y-made was 

By-twyxte me and sathanas 

All my catell to take a-way 

that he had by fals pray 

The thrid day y a-ros and made a faste 
350 Both to the meste and eke to ]>e leste 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



327 ffor fnlle of mercy I am trevly 
To alle that crye mercy 
What shall it greve to repent the 

330 And in endles loy to dwelle wyth me 
ffor thoo that wolle no mercy crye ^ 
They shalle to helle whanne they 
shalle dye 



Nowe whanne I have oo worde spoke 
Myn y^en to-gedyr I must loke 

335 Thou synfull man have pitee on me 
ffor thyn owyn soule pur charyte 
Th)s worde I mvst nedys speke 

^38 And thanne myn herte shall to-breke 



* Ms. craue was written before crye and then cancelled. 



THE LONG CHAETEE B-TEXT 75 

CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 

327 ffor full of mercy y am trewly 327 ffor full of mercy y am trewly 
To all ]>o ]>ai woll cry/i for mercy To all tho that cry en mercy 

What shall hit greue to repente )?e What schall hyt greue to repente )?e 

330 And yn endeles joye to dwelle wit7i me 330 And in endeles yoye to dwelle wiih me 
ffor J?o ]>ai woll no mercy crye ifor tho )?at wyll no mercy crye 

They go to helle when J?ey shall dye They schall to helle when J?ey schall dye 

Now when y haue oo worde spoken Now when y haue oon worde y-spoke 

My yen togeder y most lokene Myn eyen to-gedur y muste looke 

335 Now synfull man haue pyte on me 335 Thou synfuU man haue pete on me 
fior )?y owene sowle for charyte ffor thyn owne soule for charyte 

Thys worde y most ne]?ws speke Thys worde y muste nedys speke 

And )?en myn herte shall to-breke And then myn herte schall all to-breke 

C onsummatuTR est ]>is chartur ys done C onsummatum. est Thys charter ys done 

340 Man now hast pou ouercome }?y fone 340 Man now haste |?6>u ouercome all )?y 

foone 
Anon to helle y went Ipis charter to A-none y went to helle )?ys to schewe 

shewe 
Before sathanas ]>at mykyll shrev/e Be-fore satanas pat moche schrewe 

2nd Col. 

Thus y hym shent & brow^t to grounde There y hym schent & broght to grounde 

Thorow my paynes of spytu?/5 wounde Thorow my nayles a spetous wounde 

345 And after a couenante made per was 345 Aftur a couenaunt made ther was 

Betwene me & sathanas Be-twene me and satanas 

All my catell to haue a-way All my catell to haue a-wey 

That he berafte me with his play That he be-rafte me be hys play 

The ]?rydde day y rose & made a feste The thrydde day y rose & made a feste 

350 To pe moste & to pe leste 350 To the moost and to the leste 

Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

339 Consummatum. est thys charti/r ys doon Thorugh my naylys and spituous 

Fol. dS^ 

340 Man nowe hast poii over-come alle thy wou?ide 

foon 345 And after a covenaunt made there was 

A-noon to helle I went thys chsntur to Be-twene me and sathanas 

shewe Alle my catell to have a-way 

By-fore sathanas pat moyche shrewe That he be-rafte nie wyth hys play 

There I hym shent and brought to The thryd day I roos and made a feste 

grounde 350 To the most and to the leeste 



76 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 



351 the feste is both ioy and blisse 
Easter day y-elepyd hit is 
Saue a denture y here with me 
Whare-of ]>ou schalt sycoure be 

355 In the preste-is honde flesch and blode 
ffor the was naylyd vppon the rode 
Ho-so beleuyth very there-vppon 
Endeles payne schall haue none 



361 A well fay re sygne y leuyd also 

A token of the erosse )?at y was in do 

To here with the where-enyr ]?ou go 

the to sany fro thy foe 
365 No we to my fadir schall y "w^de 

His will y haue brow^t to ende 

I take my leue as ye seyne 

At the day of dome y come a-^en 

Man to deme aftir his werke 
370 As is the by-leue of holy cherch 

And euyr aftir in ioy to dwell 

to be saue fro the peyne of hell 

Fol. 237 

Saue a cote aTiaour y here with me 
B74 the which y toke to lyuery the 

Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

351 That feste was of loye and blys Who-so-evir pat beleveth ther-on 

Ester day clepid it ys Endlese peyne shall he fynde noon 

One endent-wr I left with the Alle-though I dye yet dyeth not he 

Where-of thou shalt evir sekyr be 360 ffor vppe shall he ryse and leve with me 

355 In the prestys honde my fieshe my blode And a wel fayre sygne I toke the here 
That for the was honged on )?e roode also 

A tokene of the erosse that I was on doo 



THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 



77 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 

351 The feste was of joye & blys 
Estur day called hit ys 
Oon endentur y lafte with ]>e 
Wher-of Ipou shalt ener syknr be 

355 In ]?e preesti/5 honde my flessli & blode 
That for J?e was honged on )?e rode 
Ho-so-ener hit be ]>at beleneth J?er-on 
Endeles payne shall he fynde none 
All-]7ow3e y dye ^et dyeth not he 

360 For vp shall he ryse & lene with me 
A well fayr syngne y toke ]>e her also 

A token of ]>e crosse pat y was on do 
To here with J?e wher-euer )?ou go 
To saue ]>e euer fro ]?y fo 

365 To my fader now moste y go 
ifor all hys wyll now haue y do 
Her y take my lene 30 haue me seyne 
At pe day of dome y come agayne 
Mon to dome aftyr hys werke 

370 Thys ys to beleue of all holy kyrke 
And ener after yn joye to dwelle 
Saued to be fro ]?e paynes of helle 
But a kote Armo?/r y ber her with me 

374 The whych y toke of Ipj lyuere 



Camb. Um^. Ff. 2. 38. 

351 The feste was yoye and blysse 
Estur day clepyd hyt ys 
Won enture y lafte wyth the 
Where-of ]7ou schalt euyr seker bee 

355 In preestes honde my fiesche & blood 
That for ]>e was honged on J?e roode 
Who-so-euyr hyt be ]?at leue)? )7er-one 
Endeles depe schall he fynde noone 
All-thogh y dye 3yt dyeth not he 

360 ffor vp he schall ryse & leue with me 
And a well feyre sygne y toke ]?e here & 

so y 

A tokyn of pe crosse J?at y was on doo 
To here with Ipe so wyde thou goo 
To saue the euer fro thy foo 

365 To my fadur y muste goone 
ffor all hys wylle y haue done 
Here y take my leue ye haue me seyn 
At ]?e day of dome y come a-geyne 
Man to deme aftur hys wyrke 

370 Thys ys the wylle of hooly kyrke 
And euer aftur in yoye to dwelle 
Sauydd for to be fro Ipe peynys of helle 
But a cote SLvmour y here here with me 

374 The whych y toke of thy lyuere 



Camb. Umv. Ee. 2. 15. 



363 To here wyth the so whedyr thou goo 
To save the evir fro thy foo 

365 To my fader I mvust goon 

ffor alle hys wylle I have doon 
here I take my leve ^e have me seyne 



Man to deme after hys werke 
370 Thys ys the wylle of alle holy kyrke 
And evir after in loye to dwelle 
Savid for to be fro the peynys of helle 
But a cote armvre I here here with me 



368 At the day of dome I come ageyne 374 The wiche I toke of thy leverey 



78 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 

375 The cote is ryche and fyne 
Hit is y-wrow^t of rede satyne 
A well fayre mayde me hit rey^t 
And oute of hir bosom y hit bro^t 
Hit is y-pouderyd with roses rede 

380 Wowndes y J?oiireled whan y was dede 
And wha^i y come a-yen to the 
By the cote J?oii schalt know me 
Ye that buth of rent be-hynde 
And habbeth me noght in mynde 

2nd CoL 

385 Sore mo we ye be a-drade 

Whan this chartowr schall be radd 
Of the lustyse be well ware 
Certeyse he nell no man spare 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 



390 



Power with my fadir y haue 

to sane all hem that woll me crane 



395 



398 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



375 The cote ys ryche ^ and well fyne 
The cha\Tiipe ys nowe of rede Sathyn 
A wele fayre mayde me it ought 
And out of here boure I it brout 



Fol. 94« 



And whanne I come ageyne to the 
By thys clothyng may ]>ou knowe me 
Thoo that ben of thys rent be-hynde 
And these woundys wole not have in 
mynde 



Poudred hit ys nowe wyth v rosys rede 385 Wele sore they shalle dyen a-dradde 
380 With wou^dys that I suffrede thorowe Wha/ine thys chartyr shall be radde 
peynes of dede 



^ Fyne was first written and cancelled. 



THE LONG CHAKTBK B-TEXT 



79 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 



Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 



375 Tlie cote ys ryche & well fyne 
The champe ys now of redd satpie 
A well f eyre mayde me hyt oght 
And owt of hur bowre y hyt broght 
Poudurd hyt ys with .v. rosys red[d] ^ 



375 The kote ys both ryche & fyne 

The campe ys now of rede satyne 

A well fayr mayde htt tow^te 

And out of her bowr y hit brow^te 

Powdered hit ys now with fyf e roses rede 
380 Wit^ wonpus ]>at y l?oled with paynes 380 With woundes l^at y suffurd )?orow 
of dede pey[n]es of [de]dd 

And when y come a3eyn to J?e And when y come ageyne to the 

Be my cloJ?yng ]7on mayst knowe me Be thys clol?yng may )?on knowe mee 

Fol. 42" 

And }?o \>at ben of pev rente behynde Tho J?at byn of rente be-hynde 

And yes wondus woll not haue y mynde And J?ese woundys wole not haue in 

mynde 



385 ffull sore shall pey be a-ferde 
When pis chartur shall be redde 
Of pe hy3 justys be pej full ware 
For pBTe shall he non spare 
ffor all pat ener poii hast wro3th 

390 ffro }?y yowth ]?en shall be sow^th 
But power of my fader y haue 
To saue all )?o pat mercy wyll craue 
And pay pj re/ite ^yf J?u haue space 
3yf pou of me wolte haue grace 

395 And yf pou dye full soJ?enly 

Vpon )?y sowle y shall haue mercy 
A couenaunt ys made betwen vs to 

398 As y haue do so most pou do 



385 Well sore they schull be adredd 
Whan thys chartur schall be radd 
Of pe hye lustyce be pou full ware 
ffor-sothe J?ere schall y noon spare 
ffor all pj synne pat pou haste wroght 

390 ifrom thy youthe pej schall be soght 
But power of my fadur y haue 
To saue all tho that mercy craue 
And paye pj rente yf }?ou haue space 
If thou wyll of me haue grace 

395 And yf thou dye full sodenlye 
Vpon pj soule y schall haue mercy 
A couenaunt y made be-twene vs two 

398 As y haue done so muste }>ou doo 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

387 Of the hy^e lustyse be they full ware And pay thi rent yf J^o-u haue space 

ffor-sothe there shall be no spare And yef thou wilte of me haue grace 

ffor alle thi synne that }?ou hast wrought 3 95 And yif )?ou dye ffull sodeynly 

390 ffrom thy youthe they shall be sought Yppon thy soule I shall have mercy 

But power of my fader I have A couinavnte ys made be-twene vs twoo 

To save alle thoo that mercy crave 398 As I haue doon so mvst thou doo 



* Blurred in the MS. 



80 



THE MIDDLE EN^GLISH CIIAETEES OF CHRIST 



Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 



Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9, 



400 



405 



409 there-fore y rede pay well your rent 

410 that with the fende ye be not sehent 
Wit/i mochill ioye J?an schall ye come 
And in my blysse than schal ye wone 
to that blysse he may vs brynge 

414 that made of no^t all maner thynge 
Explicit Carta ihesu Christi 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 

Loke what thy pater noster seythe J?e Vp-on alle holy writte I may put me 
too ^ Whether I be curteys or noon to thee 

400 Ryght as I for-yeve for-yeve thou moo 405 Be thou lered or be thou lewde 

Do ther-after yif thou wilte The way to hevyn I have the shewed 

So that thy soule be nat spilte 



* Ms. the too the was written first, then altered. 



THE LONG CHAKTEE B-TEXT 



CoTT. Calig. a. II. 

Loke what }?y pater noster sayth to ]>e 

400 Lyke as y for^eue for^yf Ipou me 
Do J?eraftur ^yf ]>at ]>ou wylte 
So pat pj sowle be not spylte 
Vpon all holy wryte y may put me 
WheJ^er y be curteys or not to J^e 

405 Be pou lered or be pou lewed 

The weye to henen y hane ]>e shewed 
Be ]?e tyxte of holy wryte 
In what place ]>o\i wolte seke hyt 
Therfor y bydde pe pay pe rente 

410 That with pe fende pou be not shente 
Wyth me to blysse ]?en pou shalt come 
And yn my blysse pou shalt wone 
To pat blysse y may pe brynge 

414 That of now^te made pe & all pjng 
Ihesu yn pat holy place 
Graunte ^ vs to se pj holy face Amen 
Explicit 



Camb. Umv. Ff. 2. 38. 

Loke what thy pater noster sejp to the 

400 Ryght ^ as y foryeue for-yeiie pou mee 
Do ther-aftur yf thou wylte 
So that thy soule be not spylte 
Vpon all holy wrytt y may put me 
Whedur )?at y be curtes or not to the 

405 Be thou lernedd or be }?ou lewde 

The wey to heuene y haue pe schewde 
By the tyxte of hooly wrytt 
In what place thou wylte seke hyt 
Therfore y bydd th^ pay the rente 

410 That with pe fende ]?ou be not schente 
With me to blysse thou schalt come 
And in my blysse J^ou schalt wone 
To blysse y may the brynge 

414 That of noght made all thynge 



Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 



407 Bi the tyxte of holy wrytte 

In what place J?ou wilte seke ite 
Ther-fore I byd the pay thy rent 

410 That wyth the fende fou be not shent 



Wyth me to blysse thou shalt come 
And in my blysse thou shalt wone 
To that blysse I may the brynge 
414 That of nought made alle thynge Amen 



^ In the MS. the sign for ra occurs above the n. 
^ y was written after Eyght and then deleted. 



APPENDIX I 

Observations on the Language of the Long and 
Shoet Charters 

These observations are based, in each case, upon what I have judged 
to be the critical reading of the text. Cases where it has been plainly 
impossible to determine the critical reading have been ignored, and 
those where a reasonable doubt exists have been especially noticed. 
The evidence for the pronunciation of final e in the Hhort Charter 
and in the B-text of the Long Charter is not offered as conclusive, 
since in the opinion of the writer there are too many doubtful readings 
and corrupt lines to enable one to rely upon the results of the tests. 
In the case of the A-text of the hong Charter, however, it is hoped 
that the results are reliable, since the manuscripts, in most cases, 
enable one to arrive at the reading of the original. 



THE LOI^G CHAETER, A-TEXT 

§ 1. Final e. 
A. Rhyme words. 

Words ending, in Anglo-Saxon, in fln^l e, rhyme only with 
others so ending, except in the following cases : ^ 

I. Mod 0-stem, ace. sing. 1 in two instances, 
rod A-stem, ace. sing. J 77-78 ; 207-208. 

fode Wk. stem, ace. sing. | ^f. ^^ 
Mode 0-stem, ace. sing. j 

* Doubtful cases are (a) hylle (M. Jo-stem, ace. sing.) — ylle (Scand. 
illr) 163-164; and (b) lyf-lyf (0-Stem, ace. sing.) 45-46, where it is 
doubtful whether the first lyf is noun or adjective. I find no example 
elsewhere of lyf as an adjective. Adoun, as in the Troilus (cf. Kit- 
tredge, Ohserv. Ch. Soc. Ser. 2, xxviii, 201, note 1) takes no final e. 
See 9 where it rhymes with toun (ace), and 146, where it rhymes with 
vermylon (OFr. vermilion). 

83 



84 THE MIDDLE ENGLffSII CHARTEKS OF CHRIST 

frende M. Cons, stem, ace. sing.) ^^ 

ende M. Jo-stem, ace. sing. J 



hlis Ja-stem, ace. 
ys Pres. Indie. 3rd sing 



. I 203-204. 
mg.J 



II. Ehymes containing weye: ^ 

(by the) weye 0-stem, ace. 1 ^oAf 

ye JN . Wk. stem, aec. J 

(in the) way 0-stem, ace. 1 ^^ 

pray OFr. proie^ ^re^e j 

III. Containing a petrified dative: 
(to) grounde 0-stem, dat. sing. 



'*} 191-192. 



wounde A-stem, ace. sing, 

B. Final e in the Interior of the Line. 

The following cases exist of final e pronounced in the in- 
terior of the line 5 when sounded before a vowel or h, it is 
marked bj an asterisk: 

I. Nouns, Singular. 

A-Stems. 

(a) nom. sing. (b) in compounds. 

laiv'Sj 14. soule-iode, 69. 

loue^ 53. loue-dede(s), 62, 91, 

114. 
loue-dTjuky 167. 

Ja-Stems. 

(a) ace. sing. (b) in compound. 

hlisse, 230. helle-i^jiie, 229. 

' In Chaucer final e in loeye is frequently sounded ; cf . rhymes with 
infinitives, Canterbury Tales, B 1698, 1747, and Prologue 467, etc. 



THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHARTERS 

Weak Stems. 



85 



(a) masc. ace. sing. 
tyme, 18. 



(b) feminine. 
erthe^ 41.* 
herte, 140.* 



I-Stem. 
dede, 50, 132. 

U-Stem, masc. ace. 
sone, 148. 



Eomance Words. 
erytage, 134. feste, 201, 203. 

II. Verbs. 

(a) Infinitives. 
seche, 10. 
make J 58. 
leue, 149. 



(c) Pret. Ind. 2nd sing. 
geue^ 168. 

(e) Imperative sing, 
' cleym'e, 232. 

III. Adjectives. 

(a) Plural, weak. 
olde, 20. 
leste, 198.* 

(c) Singular, weak. 
ow-tw, 54, 77. 
ferd'e [feorf'a], 124. 



Latin Words. 
Luke, 170. 



(b) Pret. Ind. 1st sing. 
dede, 14.* 
wolde, 18. 

made, 61 ; hadde, 68 ; 
most'e, 213. 

(d) Pret. Ind. 3rd sing. 
shold'e, 16 ; kepte, 17. 



(b) Plural, strong. 
fyue, 221. 
^wse, 226. 

(d) Strong, with final or- 
ganic e. 
(1) in the predicate. 
trewe, 21. 

(e) Strong, in attrib. position (2) in compound. 
wilde, 163.* trewe, 126, 130. 

alle, 5 (before ioye). 



86 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

IV. Adverbs. 

more, 39, 119; loude, 157; sore, 227. 

V. Prepositions. 
hetwene, 194.^ 

VI. Pronunciation of tlie plural inflexional endings of 
verbs (i. e., e, eth [imperative], or en) is necessary to the 
scansion of lines 71, 81, 95, and to the scansion of 138 and 
147, unless the past participles in these lines had the prefix 
y. Plural inflexional endings in fo and hand, lines 40 and 
142, must also have been sounded, as the metre shows. 

From the above evidence afforded by the rhyme and metre 
of the A-text, it is clear that, at the time of its composition, 
final e was generally sounded. The exceptions noted under 
A may be regarded as makeshifts of the poet, in the face 
of the body of evidence on the other side. 

§2. Dialect of the Original Text of the 
Extant Manuscripts 

A. The rhymes of the A-text that throw light upon the 
question of the dialect of the original text are few ; but these 
few are clear evidence as far as they go : 

I. That the dialect was not ]^orthern is shown by 

(a) the stressed vowels of the following rhyme words: * 

'If my readings for lines 6, 19, and 122 are correct (see pp. c-cvii) 
final e is sounded also in tlie following cases: withoute, 6; fyue (pi. 
adj.), 19; smertc (noun) 122. Lines metrically defective are 48 
and 220 where two accented sjdlables fall together: (a) thurst 
and chclc; (b) hour and /. Lines offering difficulties in scansion 
because of doubtful readings are: 52, 120, 152, 154, 177, 179, 196. 

* scholde 



1 13-] 



^ _ , 14, shows that the dialect was not Northumbrian. 
wolde 



THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHARTERS 87 

■^/° 1 25-26. '" , 1 123-124. 

JO J euermo^ J 

^^^ 1 209-210. ^j^ 1 213-214. 

y-ao j y-don j 

(b) the participle go or y-go in line 47, rhyming with 
wo. In a ISTorthern text the participial form would 
be garij and there would be no rhyme. ^ 

(c) Contributory evidence in the pronunciation, in 
certain cases (see §1, BVI.) of plural inflexional end- 
ings of verbs. 

II. The prefix y in the participle y-do^ 25, 50 and 210 ; 
y-wryton, 82 ; y-Jeue, 109 ; y-seled, 159 ; y-pyzt^ 161, show 
Midland or Southern origin, since the prefix is necessary to 
the scansion of these lines.''' 

III. Einal conclusive evidence that the dialect of the 
common original was Midland is found in the rhyme of lines 
87-88, hen (Pres. Indie. 3rd pi.) — sen, which appears in all 
the extant manuscripts. 

^The Northern form ga of MS. F is due to the scribe's emending to 
obtain a ISTorthern rhyme for swa. Of euerma I find no occurrence later 
than the 13th century, either in the North or South; See 0. E. Homilies 
I {E.E.T.8. Orig. Ser.) p. 165, v. 1G6, and p. 171, v. 200, and for 
ncefrenia see Ormulum 4206 and 0. E. Homilies, p. 63, v. 166. The 
regular Northern form for euermo was euermar{e) ; See Cursor Mundi 
98, 410, 1920, 23934. 

° I add also to the evidence against Northern origin the contracted 
form sky ft in line 122, MS. G, which I have tried to establish as the 
correct reading (see pp. c ff). Other contributory evidence is found in 
the pronunciation of the plural inflexional endings of verbs (e, eth 
imperative, or en) which is necessary to the scansion of lines 71, 81, 
and 95, and also to the scansion of 138 and 147, unless the past 
participles in these lines had the prefix y. Were the prefix y sounded, 
the fact would also point to Midland or Southern origin. 

^ The prefix y must also have been sounded in the following cases, 
or else final e of the forms: 

haue (1st sing. pres. Indie.) lines 3 and 47. 

were (2nd sing, and 3rd sing. pret. Indie.) lines 7 and 50. 

sore (adverb) 165. 



88 THE MIDDLE EI^GLISH CHARTEKS OF CHRIST 

THE LONG CHARTER, B-TEXT. 

§ 1. Final q, 
A. Rhyme words. 

A study of the rhymes in B not occurring in A reveals 
six cases in which words ending, in Anglo-Saxon, in final 
e. organic or inflexional, rhyme with words not ending in e: 

I. hoke F. Cons, stem, ace. 'I 

loke Verb, infin. / ^'■"' 



.}»■ 



wende Verb, innn. 
fende M. nd-stem, ace 

understonde Verb, infin. 1 

V 17-18 
londe 'N, 0-stem, ace. j 

sei/7ie (or sow en) Verb, pp. 



^ I 19-20. 



owen Wk. adj. pi 

rode A-stem, ace. | 

Mode 0-stem, ace. I ^^^-2^^- 

f"^^ ^dv. I 283-284. 

chere OFr. chere 



II. Special cases: 

(1) explicable as containing petrified dative: 
wonde A-stem, ace. 



, .. ^ ^ . 223-224. 

grounde M. O-stem. 

(2) not explicable except as containing the old plural 
ending e, which is improbable, taken with other 
evidences of B's age: 

werhe 'N. 0-stem, ace. pi. | 369-370 

kyrke F. Wk. stem, ace. sing. 

bryng Verb, infin. 



.7. AT r^ . 1 r 413-414. 

tfiyng N, O-stem, ace. pi. 



THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHAETEKS 



89 



III. B has retained the rhymes of A with three excep- 
tions: lyf-lyf 45-46, which B alters to dede (adj.) -f^e quede 
81-82, evidently to avoid the identical rhyme; fode-hlode 
59-60, to hlode^ode 107-108; and Uode-rode 77-78 to hlode- 
stode 153-154. 

These last two cases might be regarded as emendations of 
B to restore true rhymes, but that in the first case changes 
made by B in the lines immediately preceding seem naturally 
to lead to a different rhyme here; and that in the second, 
B seems to have broken the rhyme in order to introduce 
more detail, the progress of the narrative in A being at 
this point very rapid. Moreover, in another place, B re- 
tains this same rhyme of A (A 207-208, B 355-356), which 
seems to show that he was not aware of its irregularity. 

B. Final e in the Interior of the Line. 

The scansion of the B-text is, in general, difficult, because 
(a) the manuscripts frequently offer several different read- 
ings for the same line, and (b) the lines are often manifestly 
corrupt. Moreover, since certain lines not involving a final 
e scan only when the stress is placed awkwardly, it is pos- 
sible that some of those cited below, which scan well only 
when final e is sounded,^ w^ere not intended to contain any 
final e syllable, as 35, 83, 91, 130 and 358. The critical 
readings, however, would indicate that in the following cases 
final e was probably sounded in the original of the extant 
manuscripts : 

I. E'ouns 

A-stems, nom. ace. Ja-stem. 

sowle, 4, 69,* 402. hlysse, 412. 

Weak- stems. Romance words. 

herte, 338 ; in compound, Joye, 197.* 

224. place, 408. 

^As lines 11, 261, and 403. 



90 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

N". 0-stem, ace. sing, (which took e in the Troilus^) 
Soth'e, 315. 

II. Verbs / 

Infinitives 

helpe, 35, 83 ; fynde, 89, 358 ; spoyle, 133 ; repent'e, 
329; deme, 369*; sehe, 408*; put[e or en'] ? 403. 

Pres. Ind. first sing. Pret. Ind. 3rd phir. 

prayle], 261. made^ 145. 

Pres. Ind. 3rd sing. 2nd Optative sing. 

wolde, 91. pay'e, 211. 

Pret. Ind. 1st sing. 

hadde, 95; mostle], 318. 

III. Adjectives 

Strong : 

sing, mylde, 108. 
plur. grete, 130. 

few'e^ 96. 

alle, 414. 

Weak, plur. owne, 240.^^ 

On the other hand, the following lines, in which final e 
was pronounced in the A-text, have been altered in the B- 
text, apparently to avoid final e's counting as a syllable: 
40, 42', 88, 93, 104, 122, 136, 194, 214, 216, 222, 350, 379 
(corresponding to A 14, 18, 50, 53, 58, 62, 68, 114, 132, 
134, 140, 198, 221). Certain lines in A requiring the pro- 
nunciation of final e were taken over by B, however, without 
alteration: A 10, 17, 21, 54, 77, 91, 119, 126, 148, 149, 

" See Kitt. Ohserv, p. 44. 

^" Lines difficult of scansion are, for example: 11, 13, 78, 107, 252, 
2G9, 283, 388. 



THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHARTERS 



91 



157, 194, 203 =B 34, 42^ 43, 94, 153, 169, 201, 208, 232, 
233, 243, 346, 351. 

From the above inconsistent evidence it hardly seems safe 
to draw conclusions as to the pronunciation of final e at the 
time of the composition of the B-text. Such evidence as 
there is, however, appears to indicate a general laxity of 
usage in this respect. 

§2. Dialect of the Original B-Text. 

The stressed vowels in the following rhymes indicate 
Midland or Southern origin for the B-text : 

2/fl95_96 7I275-276. 

,''^^1283-284. 
Caere J 

™,<"'499-l00. <7l397-398. 

forlore J do J 

On the other hand, the text contains one rhyme with the 
Northern h from AS. c: 

!^^'"f 1369-370. 
kyrke I 

The indications of Midland or Southern origin noted above 
are corroborated by the prefix y in y-do, lines 95, 276, and 
perhaps in y-spoke, 333, though the evidence supplied by the 
piefix is not in itself altogether reliable, since the scansion of 
the original is not certain. 



THE LOISTG CHAETEE, C-TEXT. 

The following rhymes occurring in portions of the C-text 
which are not found in the B-text, indicate a Midland or 
Southern original for this version, though the unique manu- 
script is chiefly N'orthern: 



92 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST 

V^ . ^87-88; 227-228. 
before J ' 



fro\ 
to J 



115-116. 



""^^'•/""n 133-134. 
long 



} 



The rhyme do-so, 131-132, is of particular interest, since 
it represents a scribe's attempt to join two portions of text 
that seem not to be in proper sequence. Line 132 appears to 
be of this scribe's own composition, and tl-e rhyme indicates 
that he was not a ISTorthern man (cf. p. Ixxxix). 

Two occurrences of one distinctly ^N^orthern rhyme, how- 
ever, are found: 

werke 
Tcyrke 



1297-298; 305-306. 



THE SHOEfT CHAETEE. 

§ 1. Final e. 

A. Ehyme words. 

The following ^vords ending in Anglo-Saxon in final e 
occur in rhyme with words that did not: 

ending A-stem, ace. 1 q ^ p. 
hyng 0-stem, nom. J 

sechernesse ace. 

is verb. 3rd sing. 

here adv. 

dere pi. adj. in the pred. 

Doubtful cases: 

smerte noun, ace. sing. 
herte wk. noun, ace. sing. 



1 31-32. 



THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHARTERS 93 

The critical reading here would make smerte a noun. 
Compare Kittredge, Ohservations on the Language of Chau- 
cer s Troilus,^^ who believes the form in final e to be an 
adjective. Mss. E and I insert paynes before smerte. 



le-f, Mss. A and B only. 



Rhymes Occurring in Particular Manuscripts. 

dette OFr. 
sett Past part 

ending A-stem, ace. 1 ^^^ nr t i 

^ -o \ . . y 9-10. Ms. L only. 

reynynge Pres. part m pred.J 

B. Final e in the Interior of the Line. 

Critical readings indicate that final e was pronounced in 
the following cases : 

saye, inf., 17; whiche or same, wk. adj. sing., 29 ; owne, 
wk. adj. sing., 30; more, wk. adj. sing., 31; firste, wk. 
adj. sing., 34. 

Cases of doubtful scansion, where final e may have been 
sounded, are: 

haue Pres. Ind. 1st sing., 7, 18. 
gyfe Infin. 15. 

The plural inflexional ending es in woundes, 5, and stones, 
24, were also probably sounded. 

In view of such incomplete lines (metrically) as 10 and 
28, it is uncertain whether final e was actually sounded or 
not in the cases mentioned in this paragraph ; but see the next 
paragraph. 

§2. Dialect of Origin^al Text. 

The dialect of the original text was Northern, as is shown 
by the vowels in the stressed syllables of the two rhymes : 

^Chaucer Society, Ser. 2. vol. xxviii, 140-1, note. 



94 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

quake Infin. 



brake Pret. Indie. 3rd 



p.] 

thing mun, ace. 129-30 

hyng Pres. Indie. 1st sing, j 



and in corroboration 

seckei^esse 

is (would have been es) 



I 31-32, 



The fact that the dialect was ISTorthern makes it probable 
that final e was sounded only in cases where the metre made 
it indispensable. 



APPENDIX II 

Additional Texts 

1. CARTA DOMINI ^OSTBl lESU CHRI8T1 
Brit. Mus. Add. ms. 21253, f. 186a. 

Sciant presentes et futuri. scilicet, omnes qui sunt celo et in 
terra. Quod ego lesus Christ us filit/s dei patris et Marie vir- 
ginis deus et homo pro hereditate mea Iniuste et proditiose a 
meis ablata diu sub manu aduersarij detenta teste toto mundo 
in stadio pugnaui adue?'sum diuici. victoriam optinui et here- 
ditatem meam recuperaui sesinam in paraseeue cum heredibw^^ 
meis accepi. hahendum et tenendum seisinam in longitudine/?'. 
et latitudinem in eterniiriii. secundum dispositum est a patre 
meo. libere et quiete. Annuatm et continue Reddendo cor 
mxindum deo et animam pur am. In cuius rei testimom'iim 
banc presente??^ cartam propKo sangzane conscripst. legi. per 
totu7/z mundum publicaui. Sigillur/^ que mee diuinitatis appo- 
sui cum testomo?uo patris et spm^us. Nam hij tres testimony 
dant in celo scripta. lecta et confirmata. et generi humano tra- 
dita teria. quinta. p^rascei/es. super montem caluarie publice 
et aparte in eternum durature. Anno a creattone mundi. 
5. 2. 3. 2. l^ota quod condicio ampZia est vt continue Red- 
damifs deo cor mundum et animam puram al[i]oquin satisfaci- 
mus contra ius iiostTum Si autem preuemt^s a pecca^. lusto 
titulo vendicare possumi^s regnum celor-wm. [f. 186 b] Dicunt 
enim lura ciuilia quod filiws ha&ens pa^rem suum interfectum 
non potest vendicare hereditatem patris sui nisi prosequatwr 
interfectorem patris sui Pater nosier Christus est interfecttts. 
Quis eum interfecit. Certe pecca^wm. quia i^eccatuia erat causa 
quave captws est. flagellates, et occisi^s. Si e7*go vis esse heres eius 
oportet quod proseqiieris. ^eceatum. quod eum interfecit. sicut 
filius prosequitur interfectorem patris sui. non desistens eum 
damnare et alios ad eius odium aluere. Age quod illud iudi- 
cetwr. exulet. et interficiat et omnino et finaliter destruat-wr. 

95 



96 



THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST 



Numquam patiaris quam in te est quod ^eccatum fauorem haft- 
eat et quod omnes illud odiant. que interfecit patrem tuuni 
Christum. Et sic poteris iuste vindicare eius hereditatem. 
scilicet Eegnum eeloTum. 

2. CARTA LIBERA 

St. John's Coll. Camb. ms. E. 24, f. 22a. 

Variant readings from St. John's Coll. ms. D. 8, f. 174*' are recorded 
in the footnotes. The rimes would be restored in lines 19 and 20 by 
transposing pedes and manus, and by reading des te instead of te des. 

Hie incipit carta libera domini nostri IJiesu Christi 

Hec quieunque sciant presentes atque futuri 
Et memores fiant nisi sint sensus sibi duri 
Quod uir ego ihesus bethlem de uirgine natus 
lerusalem lesus crucifixus ludificatus 
5 Dando concessi cunctis nee ab inde recessi 
Eegnum celeste si semper uiuant honeste 
Aut si quando tamen faciant quocunque grauamen 
Non ita delebor si peniteant miserebor 
Nee quicquam ^ cupio reddi nisi cordis amorem 

10 Hoc homo iam sicio ^ pro quo tibi fundo cruorem 
Ergo pro feodo cor tuum redde ^ mihi gratum 
Taliter ecce modo tibi trado meum laceratum 
Inspice denote precor inspice mente serena 
Ostendo pro te que quanta sunt mea pena 

15 Hie sunt transfossa caro uene cor cutis ossa 
Ac mea premunda te lauit sanguis et unda 
Nam qui per pomum fueras sine fine peremptus 
Nee es abinde demum sub tale * sorte redemptus 
Ecce cor ecce pedes capud ecce manus ego sanus 

20 Sum m.ihi si te des tibi do me fac ita pro me 
Traditus a iuda sum captus et inde ^ ligatus 



^ quicquid. 


* tali. 


"" sitis. 


^ Omits inde. 


^ redde tuum (correctly). 





ADDITIONAL TEXTS 97 

Omnia sunt nuda que plebs fecit atque pilatus ® 
Scilicet in fine probra sputa flagellaque plura 
Crux claui spine fel lancea passio dura 

25 Et sique pacior uideantur non satis arta 

Post hec en morior hec mors homo fit ^ tua carta 
Nemo potest iure priuare quin ^ ista tenebunt 
En quot secure warantizare ualebunt 
Testibus hiis factis tenebris velo quoque scisso 

30 Petris confractis terremotu sub abysso 

Si plures uultis testante Johanne que matre 

Ac aliis multis cum sacro neupmate patre 

In cuius rei testimonium requiei 

ut stet tranquillum cor ^ proprium pono sigillum 

35 In caluarie summo sunt hec data gratis 

Sanguine scripta die quo iam morior valeatis 
Sanguine tamen puro cartam frater tibi scripsi 

38 Et pro securo proprium cor penditur ipsi, amen}^ 

3. CARTA DEI 

Bod. MS. Kent Charter 233. 

Knowyn alle men that are & schuln ben 
That I Jhc' of Nazaren 
Wyt myn wyl and herte good 
For myn handwerk and for my blod 
5 Have grantyd, jovyn and confermyd is 
To christenemen in erthe I wys 
Thourch my charte that the mon se, 
My body that heng on the tre, 
A mes housyd fayir and fre, 
10 It is hevene blysse I telle the, 

Betwen est and west, north and south, 
To hem her dwellyn it is wel couth, 

^ After line 22 MS. D 8 (perhaps correctly) places lines 27-28. 

' sit. * quod. 

^proprium cor (correctly),. 

" These two lines occur only in MS. D 8. 



98 THE jNlIDDLE ENGLISH CHABTEKS OF CUEIST 

To havyn and heldyn that swete place 
Wei gud in pes thourch my grace, 

15 To crystene man that synne wyl fle. 
Heritable and in fee, 
For the servise that lyt therinne, 
That is, to kepyn man fro synne. 
Of the chel [read chef] lord of that fee 

20 Every synne flede hee. 
And I Jhc' of ]N'azaren 
And my eyris qwat so he ben 
In warantyse we schuln us bynde 
To crystene man wythoutyn hende 

25 In wytnesse of thys thing 
My syde was opned in selyng. 
To thys charte trewe and good 
I have set my seal, myn herthe blod. 
These am the wytnesses trewe and god; 

30 The garlond of thorn on myn hed stode. 
The schorges and the naylis long. 
And the spere my herte stong. 
The stoppe ful of eysil and galle. 
And Hely ely that I gan calle, 

35 My blody terys me ronnyn fro. 

My bondyp, my peynis and othir mo. 
pvyn and garantyd be my wyl 
At Calvarie on that held [read hyl] 
The friday befor the paske day, 

40 Therof I may no^t seyn nay, 
The 3er of my regne her 
Thretty wyntyr and thredde half ^er. 
Hec est carta Dei. 



4. CARTA CELESTIS HEREDITATIS 

(A Prose Tract, related to the Charter of Christ.) 

This treatise, entitled variously, Carta Celestis Hereditatis, 
Chartre of Heuene, Charter of oure heuenli Eritage, Chartre of 



ADDITIONAL TEXTS 99 

Heven Blisse, Diploma Caeli, forms part of the Poor Caitiff, a 
work comprising a series of tracts, which has been ascribed to 
Eichard Rolle/ to Wy cliff, ^ and to an unknown friar. So far 
as I know, the earliest mss. date from the fourteenth century, 
and there are several of the fifteenth century.^ On a " spare 
page" at the beginning of one of the manuscripts, Harl. 2336, 
is the following: Dixit Episcopus Cicestrensis quod Frater Mi- 
nor compilavit liunc lihrum in suo Defensorio. The compiler 
of the Harleian Catalogue from which I obtained this informa- 
tion, adds: "I doubt not but that this Bishop of Chichester 
was Eeginald Pecok, who was thought to favor the Lollards, and 
was openly persecuted and deprived, as guilty qf Heresy." It 
will be seen that the Carta of the Poor Caitiff is not a charter, 
in spite of its name, but a tract which discusses the Charter of 
Christ, its component' parts, etc., and urges man to be mindful 
of it and to study it. Its relation to the Charter of Christ 
has been discussed in Chapter II.* 

*See Cat. of Camh. Univ. M8S., Vol. in (1858) under the description 
of MS. li. 6. 40, where this treatise is recorded with the title, A Charter 
of remission, and ascribed to Richard Rolle. 

2 By Mr. Wharton, according to Cat. Harl. MSS. of Brit. Mus. 1808, 
under MS. 1706. I do not know where Mr. Wharton makes this state- 
ment. This is ascribed to Wycliffe also by Robert Va-ughan {John de 
Wycliffe, D.D., 1853, Appendix, p. 533). See also Cat. of Ash. MSS. 
under MS. 1286, and Report Hist. MSS. Com. viii (London, 1881) App. 
part III, 101, under Ashburnham MS. Add. 27d. Compare with these, 
Shirley, Fasciculi Zizanorum, Rolls Series (London, 1858), p. xiii, note 
3 (referred to in this connection by ed. of Cat. of Stowe MSS., 1895, 
Vol. I, 23). 

^The two oldest of which I have record are: Ms. Ashburnham Add. 
27 d (See Report Hist. MSS. Com. viii. App. part iii, 101) of the 
fourteenth century. Tlie others are Ms. Bod. 4 (of which I do not 
know the date) ; Mss. Ashmole 1286 (about 1400) ; Douce 13, 288, 322; 
Rawl. C. 751; Bod. 938 (See Horstman, Richard Rolle i, 3), all of 
the fifteenth century; Mss. Harl. 1706, 2322, 2335, 2336, 4012, of which 
I do not know the dates; Ms. Add. (Brit. Mus.) 30897, Ms. Stowe 38, 
both of the fifteenth century; Camb. Univ. Mss. Ff. 5. 45, Ff. 6. 34, 
li. 6. 40, Hh. 1. 12, all of the fifteenth century; Bibl. Nat. Paris, Ms. 
angl. 41, fol. 95" ff. 

*John Bale has the following entry concerning another charter of 
the fourteenth century : " Brendanus monachus et abbas Hibernus, scrip- 



100 THE MIDDLE EIS^GLISII CHAETEKS OF CHRIST 

[Cambridge University ms. Ff. 6. 34.] 

[f. 72.] A good tretys of a notable chartoz^r of pardoun of 
oure lorde Ihesu crist &c. [in a different and later hand]. 

Eiie?-y wise man pat cleyme]? his eritage. ei}>ir askej? gret 
pardoun : kepi)? bisili & haj? of te mynde vpon J?e chartre of his 
calenge | & Iperfore eche ma?z lerne to Hue vertnously : & kepe 
& haue mynde vppon ]?e chartre of heuene blisse | & stodie 
stidfastli J?e witte of j?is bille: for J?e pardoiiri Iperot schal dure 
wi)?outen ende | vndirstonde wel J?at )?e chartre of his eritage, 
& J?e bulle of his euerlasti/ige pardoun : is oure lord ihe^u crist. 
writen wij? al pe my3t & Yertu of god | J?e parchemyn of J?is 
heuenli chartre. is nei]?ir of scheep ne of calf: but it is J?e bodi 
& J?e blessid sky?i of onre lord ihe^u loomb }?at neuere was spot- 
tid wij? wem of synwe | & was ]>ere neuere skyn of scheep neij?ir 
of calfe so sore & so hard streined on }>e teynture ei]?ir harewe of 
eny pa^-chemyn makere as was ]?e blessid bodi and skyn [f . 72b] 
of oure lord ihesu crist. for oure loue streined & drawen vppon 
]>e iebat of )?e cros herde neuer man fro Ipe higinnyng of J?e 
world til to now. ne]?ir schal hens to domesdai : )?at euere writere 
wroot vppon schepis skin eipir on calues wi)? so hard & hidouse 
pennes. so bittirli so sore & so depe as writen J?e cursid lewis 
vppon ]?e blessid bodi & swete skin of oure lord ihesu crist. 
wi)? harde nailes. scharpe spere & sore prickinge )?ornes iwstide 
of here pennes | thei writen so sore & so depe. ]?at J?ei perciden 
hise hondes & feet wi]? harde nailes : j^ei openeden his herte wi|? 
a scharpe spere | )?ei perssiden vppo7i his heed a corowne of 

sit . . . Cartam coelestis Jiereditatis, li. 1. ' Quisquis sapiens heredi- 
tatem vendi.' [authority] £"£17 domo Michaelis Hohley." Index Brit. 
Script, ed. R. L. Poole, Oxf. 1902, pp. 49-50; and Script. Illus. . . . 
Catalogus (post, pars), Basileae, 1559, p. 236. Concerning this work, 
Dr. Gustav Scliirmer {Zur Brendanus Legende, Leipzig, 1888, pp. 10-11) 
expresses the opinion that the Carta coelestis hereditatis can not be 
attributed to St. Brendan. I have no means of arriving at a knowledge 
of the contents of this charter; but it would seem to me probable that 
it is a version of the Carta Coelestis hereditatis. The initial sentence 
of the Carta of Brendanus and that in the Poor Caitiff suggest a 
common origin, the Poor Caitiff Charter beginning, in one version, 
" Euery wise man l?at cleyme]? his eritage," and in another (MS. Douce 
13) " Everie wise man that deynieth his heritage." 



additiojs^al texts 



101 



scharpe J^ornes pat licli perciden to his brayn panne | ]?e 
woiindis vppon ]7at blessid bodi and swete skyn of crist: weren 
instide of lettTk \ & as clerkis seyn & specialli seint anselme. 
Ipere weren vppon J?e blessid bodi of crist ope/i wou/zdis bi 
noum^bre fyue )?ousend foure hundrid seuenti & fyue | ]?is is 
\>e noumbre of lettvis : wi)? whiche oure chartre was written | bi 
which we niou?^ cleyme oure eritage. if we live/i [f. 73] ri^tli: 
& kepe ]?is chartre stidfastly in nijnde \ ]>e sentence & vndir- 
stonding writen wi)?i/me & wi]?oute )?is blessid chartre & bodi 
of ihesu crist: is oure bileue | for he is ]?e cofre in whom is 
closid & loken : al }?e tresoure of witte & wisdom of god | vppon 
]?is blessid chartre. was writen weilinge. eipir mowrnynge. song 
& sorwe I weilinge eilpir mornywge i for sorwe of oure synnes \ 
for ]?e whiche to ben helid & waschen awey : crist god and man 
must suifre so hard & peyneful wou/idis | vppon cristis bodi 
}?at is oure heuenli charter: was writen siwginge to alle ]?ilke 
)?at parfiteli forsaken here syyines | for )?ei han ful medicine & 
helpe: )?6rou3 ve/-tu of the bittir wou/idis & precios blood of 
ihesu I & vppon )?e wouwdis of ihesu mai be red sorwe. to alle 
hem ]?at for false likinge & lust )?at durij? but a while, by/iden 
hem-self to synne & seruage of pe fend | & lesen )7e help of )?e 
heuenli chartre & so here heritage f & wenden blyndli to sorwe 
J7at duri]? for euere | )?e laces of pis heuenli chartre: is p2 
biheeste of god & ]?at god mai not lie. for he is souereyn treuj^e | 
|?e firste laas is his [f . 73 b] biheeste f J?at was dai eij?er oure 
a synful man ei]?ir woman leue]? here synne hooli & hertli wi)? 
bittir sorwe & turnej? hem to himi he schal receiue hem to his 
mercy | but eche man be war }?at he tarie not longef lest for 
his owne vnkyndenesse grace be taken fro him | pe secounde 
laas is )?e ful trist J?at we han pat god may not lie nepiv be false 
of his biheefte | hereinne hangi]? sikirlif oure trist of oure 
eritage | & bi pese two lacis hangi)? pe seel of oure chartre I 
selid wij? pe blood of pe lomb crist | }?at is cristis flessche taken 
of the clennest dropes of blood in pe swettest virgine marie f 
more craftili & merueylousli. pan euere ony bee. bi craft of 
kynde gadrij? pe wax of floures of pe f eeld | pe printe ^ of )?is 

° Transcript reads prince. 



102 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 

seel i is )?e schap of oure lord ihesu crist hanginge for oure synne 
on )?e cros. as we mou/i se bi pe ymage of )?e crucifix | he haj? 
his heed bowid don f redi to kisse alle )?ilke ]?at verili turnen 
to him he haj? hise armes spred abrood f redi to biclippe hem | 
he is nailed faste foot & honde to ]?e crossef for he wole duelle 
wif> [f. 74] hem & nenere wende awey fro manf but if man 
forsake him first J?orou3 synne | he haj? al his bodi spred abrood : 
to ^eue himself hoolly to vs cleuynge to hiw | vtterli he ha)? 
his side opened f & his herte clone for or oure sake | so 
]?at wi)?oute lettinge we moun crepe in to cristis herte & teste 
]?ere forou^ stidfast bileue & herti loue | J^is chartre may not 
fi}^ brenne ne watir drenchef nei]?ir )?eef robbe nei)?ir ony crea- 
ture distroie | for J?is scripture ]?e fadir of heuene haa)? halewid 
eipir maad stidfast | & sente it into J?e world ; )?e whiche scrip- 
ture mai not be vndo as fe gospel witnessi)? | )?is scripture is 
oure lord Ihesu crist f chartre & bulle of oure eritage of heuene I 
locke not )?is chartre in ]>i coffre i but sette it eij?ir write it in 
'pin herte | & alle ]>e creatures in heuene neipir in er)?e nei)?ir 
in helle moun not robbe it nei)?ir bireue it fro fe. but if )?ou 
wolt ]>i self assentinge to synne | & if )?ou kepist weel pin 
chartre in ]>e coffre of ]?in herte wi)? good liuynge & denote loue 
lastingli to pin ende | as tristeli & treuli as he is trewe [f. 74b] 
godf J?oroou3 vertu of hise chartre f>ou schalt haue pin eritage 
of blisse duri7ige wi]?outeri ende. . . . 



I 



GLOSSAKY OF SPECIAL WOEDS 

BS = Bradley-Stratmann's Mid. Eng. Diet. BT - Bosworth and Tol- 
ler's Old Eng. Diet. NED = New Eng. Diet. A = Long Charter, 
A-Text; B = Long Charter, B-Text. The numbers refer to lines in the 
texts. The glossary aims only at furnishing a convenient record of 
unusual terms and of special meanings of common words, and the above 
authorities have been freely used in compiling it. 

abye: infin. [OE. a + hycganl, suffer, pay the penalty. B 66. 

als-tyte (-tite) : see as-tyte. 

a-party (-i) : adv. [from a prep. + party > Fr. partie], in part, 
somewhat, a little. A 199. 

aply^t (-plight): adv. [a prep. -\- OE. plight], in faith, truly, 
certainly, surely. B, ms. C 14. 

as-tyte (-tite; also spelled erroneously -tight (e), ty^te, tyht, etc., 
cf. jSTED) : adv. [North, as + tite Scand. cf. ON. titt, 
frequently, etc.], immediately. B 14. 

bykej?e: noun [perhaps from OE. hl-cwide, proverb, fable, tale 
<ME. hy-quide, bi^-cwide, also spelled heqwede, hiqwethe, 
hecwe^e, etc.] ? bequest. A, ms. G 209. Byheye {-haye) 
of the other mss. of A is probably intended for the same 
word. 

by-keye (-kaye) : probably intended for hylcelpe, q. v. 

betought: vb., 3. sing. pret. [OE. hetcecan], to entrust, commit, 
give in charge to. B 377. 

demed: vb. 1. sing. pret. [OE. demanl, to decree, ordain, appoint. 
A, MSS. IK 15. 

demytted: vb. 1. sing. pret. [Lat. demittere, cf. OFr. demetrel, 
fig. sig., to humble, abase. But the NED gives no ex- 
ample of this word earlier than 16th cent., and of thii 
meaning none before 17th cent. A 15. 

fand (fondede) : vb. 3. sing. pret. [OE. fandian, ^efandian], to 
test, put to the proof, tempt, try. A 29. 

fondede : see fand. 

103 



104 



THE MIDDLE EN^GLISH CHARTERS OP CHRIST 



fray: noun [aphetic from affray, e ff ray y 0¥r. effrei, esfrei], 
assault, attack. A 196. 

liende: adv. [appar. an aphetic form of OE. gehende^, cour- 
teously, kindly, gently. B 92. 

me : error for By. A, mss. F, H, I, K, L 23. 

mistayle : noun [OFr. mestaille'], evil plight. A, MS. I 131. 

neb: noun [OE. nehh], face. A 83. 

piht (py^t, y-piht, y-py3t, etc.) ; vb. pp. [ME. picche (n) prob. 
from OE. *picc{e)an of 1st wk. cl., pret. *pihte. The 
NED says there is no recorded instance of this word in 
OE., nor in cognate languages], placed, set, driven into 
the ground, set up, etc. A 75, 161 ; B 247. 

plyght: vb. pp. probably an error for piht, q. v. A, MS. G 75. 

qued : noun [early ME. cwead, cwed, cwad == 0. Fris. quad, 
etc.], the evil (one), the devil, a meaning derived from 
the adjective qued{-e) evil, wicked. B 82. 

scryt(e) : noun [aphetic from OFr. esm/], a writing, written 
document. A 193. 

sesyng (saysing, etc.) : verbal noun [OFr. saisir, seisir], the act 
of taking possession of, investing or establishing in a 
holding. A 24, 25, 34, 105; B 39, 50, 53, 185. 

skift: vb. 3 sing. pres. Ind., syncopated form [OE. sciftanl, to 
ordain, act, devise (with intran. sense). The ordinary 
trans, meaning is, to change, move, shift. Cf. pp. civ. f. 
A, MS. G 122. 

stiS: noun [ON", ste^i], anvil, stithy. 

strayste: error for strait {?)te. A, MS. / 78. 

wen (wene?) : adj. [OB. (or-) wana = Goth. {us-)wena, ON". 
vcenn, OHG. {ur-)wani'\, hopeful, beautiful. BS gives 
but one example of this word, in the comparative degree. 
Cf. p. xcv. A, MSS. F, G 90. In OE. BT records the 
form wen-lie, fair, handsome, comely. 



VITA 

I, Mary Caroline Spalding, daughter of the Kev. Charles 
Nelson Spalding, D. D., and Mary Hewetson Appleton 
Spalding, was born in San Francisco, California, on Febru- 
ary 23rd, 1877. 

I was prepared for college at Kemper Hall, Kenosha, Wis- 
consin, and entered Vassar College in 1897, taking the A. B. 
degree in 1901. During the years 1897 to 1899, I held a 
scholarship at Vassar College awarded by Kemper Hall ; and 
from 1899 to 1901, a Vassar undergraduate scholarship. 

In 1906, I entered graduate courses at Bryn Mawr Col- 
lege. From 1908 to 1910 I held a graduate scholarship in 
English at Bryn Mawr College, and was awarded the Fel- 
lowship in English for the year 1010-1911. I attended the 
Summer School of the University of Chicago in 1908. 

My graduate work in the major subject, English Philol- 
ogy, has been directed by Professor Carle ton Brown, and 
Dr. Samuel Moore, and in the minor subjects, English Lite- 
rature and Old French, by Professor A. H. Upham and by 
Professor Eichard T. Holbrook. My examinations for the 
degree of Ph. D. were taken in May, 1912. 

From 1901 to 1910, I was Instructor in English (and 
during the first three years, in Mathematics also) at the 
Misses Shipley's School, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania. 

In 1910, I published an article entitled Landericus and 
Wacherius in the Publications of the Modern Language 
Association, for March of that year. Vol. xxv^ pp. 152-163. 

The accompanying dissertation was presented to the Fac- 
ulty of Bryn Mawr College in May, 1912, in partial fulfil- 
ment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Phil- 
osophy. Further information relating to it, and special ack- 
nowledgments of aid received in the preparation of it, will 
be found in the Preface. 



^ 



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